
. .' n"^ <>-'.■ ,' -2-' 



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^^' yt 




^ Lis ''^ 



0> c " " ° « ■* . 









, -is • * A^ 



c> 



"^ 









A' 



V' ,• 



"-i. 



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UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 
Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 1-67, pis. 1-8, 15 text figures June, 1920 



THE WHALING EQUIPMENT OF 
THE MAKAH INDIANS 



by 
T. T. WATERMAN 



SEATTLE, WASH. 
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 

1920 






CONTENTS 

Page 

Introduction 4 

Alphabet ustd in rtcording Indian words 5 

The "Chinook" Canoe 9 

The name "Chinook" 9 

Comparison with the canoes of other j)arts of the Pacific coast 10 

"Rating" of canoes 12 

The hull 1 i 

Features of the luill described bv jjrevious writers 1 i 

Additional notes on the hull 16 

]5ow and stern pieces 16 

Shape of the hull 19 

Interior fittings 20 

Care of the Indl 22 

Ornamentation 22 

Sails and rigging 23 

Features of the rigging described by ])revious writers 23 

Additional notes on rigging 21 

Defects of the canoe 26 

Paddles 26 

Information contained in previous accounts 26 

Additional notes on the paddle 27 

The Canoe-bailer 27 

The WiiALiNJi H \nPoox \nd Its Accessory Devices 29 

The liarpoon shaft 29 

Information contained in previous accounts 29 

Additional notes on the harpoon shaft 29 

The harpoon licad 30 

Information contained in jirevious accounts 30 

Additional notes on the harpoon head 31 

The whaling lanyard 34 

Notes on the lanyard containci.? in iirevions accounts 34 

Buoys or floats 31' 

Features of the sealsHiin buoy or float described by other writers 31 

Lines and ropes 37 



n; •f A. 

NOV 5 1920 



COXTEXTS 

Page 
p The Wmale-hun't 38 

Religious observances connected with whale hunting, as described by other 
writers 38 

^ Arrangement of equipment for whaling H 

*^ The pursuit of the whale H 

•Ilj Disposition of the whale carcass i-ii 

(^ Religious observances connected with bringing in the whale i6 

r. Method of navigation 17 

Histoi-y of the whaling industry IT 

Bibliography 50 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES 

Plate 1. Making a "Chinook" canoe. 

Plate 2. "Lighthouse Joe," with his harpoon and buoys ; a canoe under sail. 

Plate 3. Along the Makah coast. 

Plate 4. The harpooned whale. 

Plate 5. Removing the skin from a whale carcass ; baskets for carrying harpoon- 
heads. 

Plate 6. Cutting up the whale. 

Plate 7. The last of the whale. 

Plate 8. Head of the whaling harpoon. 

text figures 

Figure 1. Dugout canoe from Northern California (Yurok tribe). 

2. Two t3'pes of canoe found in the Pacific Northwest; a, the "North Coast" 

model; b, the "South Coast" or Chinook model. 

3. Diagram showing the nomenclature of the canoe. 

k Diagram showing the ornamentation on the prow, viewed from above. 

5. The shape of the "Chinook" canoe; a, the appearance of the bottom, 

b, the appearance of the canoe viewed from in front. 

6. Diagram showing the cross-section of the canoe. 

7. Diagram showing the lashing which liolds tlic thwarts in place. 

8. Canoe sail and rigging. 

9. Diagram illustrating the weave employed in a sail of cedar-bark matting. 

10. Canoe-bailer of alder-wood; a, the bailer; b, attachment of the loop or 

handle, viewed from above; c, diagram sliowing how the bailer is 
clutched when in use. 

1 1 . Tip of harpoon shaft. 

12. Diagram showing the assembling of the parts of the whaling harpoon- 

head, a, the bone "hafts" or barbs, viewed from one side ; b, the cut- 
ting edge viewed from above ; c, the complete head. 

13. The float or buoy; a, the complete float with its attachments; b, detail 

drawing showing the nipple and plug for inflation. 

II'. Diagram showing the arrangement of the huntsmen and their equijinient 
in the whaling canoe. 

15. Diagram showing the cutting-up of the wliale. 

4 



INTRODUCTION 

The present study was undertaken because of the presence for a time in the 
city of Seattle of a member of the Makah tribe, Mr. C. Peterson, of Neah Bay. ^Ir. 
Peterson is well informed concerning the life of his people, and has had for many 
years a certain intellectual interest in the details of jirimitive culture, especially 
with reference to his own group at Cape Flatter}'. The State Museum on the 
Campus of the University supplied the various objects described below; man}' of them 
being specimens collected by James G. Swan at Cape Flattery a number of years ago. 

Several important printed works have appeared in the past, which deal with 
the material culture of the Makah or their close neighbors. These works are cited 
in detail in a terminal bibliography on page 50. The most recent of them is the 
famous series of volumes entitled "The North American Indian." by Edward C. 
Curtis. The eleventh volume of this great work, dealing specifically with the Nootka 
and the Haida, includes numerous notes on the tribe which is the subject of the pres- 
ent study. A much earlier work by another author, "The Indians of Cape Flattery," 
by James G. Swan, deals with a larger number of topics than does the book by Curtis, 
but in a more schematic way. Swan's sj'stem of transliterating Makah words is less 
accurate than Curtis' method. The most important paper on the primitive peoples 
of this region is a monograph by Franz Boas, "The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island." 
This famous work contains descriptions of devices and processes, printed in the form 
of texts in the native Kwakiutl dialect. The present writer has not dealt in detail 
with any of those matters which are discussed by these earlier observers. Where 
Boas has described a process, for example that of separating spruce root into fibers, 
it seems unnecessary to go into that particular matter again. What he says of 
technological processes among the Kwakiutl is practically all applicable to the Makah. 
Boas' description is incomparable for the various manufactures and the detailed 
processes involved in them. Curtis' ])rincipal interest, on the other hand, is 
in ceremonies. His admirable account of the ceremonial practices performed in con- 
nection with whaling, as carried on by tribes adjacent to the Makah (such tribes as 
the Nootka, Quilliute, Quinault, and Kwakiutl), presents a very clear pictui?. What 
this author says of the ceremonial practices of neighboring tribes ajjjjlies perfectly 
well to the Makah. Where the accounts of these previous writers nverln)). their mate- 
rial is summarized and put in the form of an abstract. 

The photographs illustrating the whaling industry are tlie work of .\sahel 
Curtis, Esq., of Seattle, successor to the Romans Photo Company, and they are 
reproduced by arrangement with him. The line drawings were done by Sara 
Vinsonhaler of the Department of Design of the University of Washington. 

Alphabet Used in Recording Indian Terms. — Many sounds occur in Makah 
which are not present in English. Swan^ spells tlie Indian words as best he can with 
the ordinary English alpliabet. with the result that the words as he gives them often 
do not sound like Makah. Curtis has a more complete set of symbols. His list does 

' For nuthorities oitofl, sit tin- tcniiiiuil lil ]ift:;r)U:hy ni p. ro 



6 U'alcrman [Vol. 1 

not, however, represent all of the jMakah sounds. To describe the phonetic elements 
of this dialect seems to be somewhat troublesome ; unless they are expounded in 
physiological terms which are of no interest to the casual reader. The usual resource 
on the jjart of authors who have to describe sounds such as these is to avoid "accurate" 
physiological terms, which seem uselessly difficult; using instead certain "general" 
terms, which, in most cases fail to convey any accurate idea of the sound as it is 
spoken b}' the Indian. The following notes may serve to give some impression of 
how the Makah words sound to the present writer. I think practically all of their 
spoken sounds are here represented. 



i, as in machine u, as in rule 

(, as in pin v, as in full 

e, as in fete o, as in note 

£, as in met o, as on in ought 

a, as in hat a, as in bar 
A, as in but 

DIPHTHONGS 

ai, as in aisle oi. as in boil 

SEMIVOWELS 

w, y, substantially as in English 

CONSON.\NTS 

Labial- Contin- Affrica- Affricative 

Stop ised stop uant tive Nasal Lateral lateral 



covjfc, c^Pi. c^osfe. 



Labial 
Dental 


P 
t 


b 
d 


p' 

t' 






s 


ts ts' 


Alveolar 












c 


tc tc' 


Palatal 


k 


g 


g' 


kw 


kw' 


X 




Velar 
Glottal 


q 


y 


q' 


qw 


qw' 


h,' 





L 1 tl, tL 



The consonants are sounded approximately as thej' are in English, except for 
the following: 

Fortis Sounds — These are "exploded" or "cracked" consonants produced with 
the vocal organs in the position for the ordinary sound, but with hard pressure. The 



1920] Makah Indians 7 

release is very sudden but the rush of breath is slight. The combination produces a 
sharp sound, markedly different from anything in English. The sound itself is very 
brief, but the firm "closure" which precedes it is often prolonged. As indicated in 
the chart, these fortis sounds are of various types {p, k, t, etc.), and are of frequent 
occurrence. The sj'mbol which represents them (namely, '), is explained below. 

Labialized Stops — The nature of these sounds is indicated fairl}- well by the 
symbols chosen to represent them. 

Continuant Sounds — The symbol c stands for a simple sound which is represented 
in English usage by a combination of two symbols, namely * and h, as in the English 
word "she." The .r indicates a sound made by friction of the breath between the 
back part of the tongue and the palate, as in German ach. This sound resembles 
ordinary English h, except that the friction is more pronounced, the passage between 
the tongue and the palate being greatly narrowed. 

Affricative Sounds — These consist essentially of a continuant preceded by, and 
"fused" with, a "stop." The symbol ts in Makah has approximately the value it has 
in English, the two elements being pronounced as one sound. I think the sound is 
more properly represented by one symbol, but no convenient symbol exists. As is 
not the case in English, this ts sound in Makah is very frequent at the beginning of 
words. The tc represents the combination of t with the c sound described above. 

Lateral Sounds — One sound which does not exist in English, but which is 
extremely frequent in Makah, is represented by L. This sound has the same rela- 
tion to ordinary I that English p has to English h. namely the organs are in the same 
position, but the vocal cords are not employed. Curtis represents the sound by a 
combination of h with I. This combination may give a distant hint of its effect on 
the ear. 

Aifricatiz'c-lateral Sounds — These have the same relation to the laterals tiiat the 
ordinary aft'ricatives have to the stops ; the lateral affricative, namely, is a lateral 
which enters into combination with, and is "fused" with, a "stop" which precedes it. 

Velar Sounds — These sounds, often described as "gutterals," are produced very 
much in the fashion of ordinary A-, as it is in kick, but the contact is much further 
back in the mouth. A little practice enables an English-speaking person to produce 
these sounds without any difficulty. The "stop" is represented by q, and the corre- 
sponding continuant by y. 

Glottal Sounds — The most noteworthy of these is a "glottal stop" ('). Be- 
tween vowels, this symbol indicates an interruption of the breath by a closure of the 
larynx, which closure is achieved by drawing the vocal cords completely across the 
passage. This is a commonplace action, performed, for example, in the process of 
coughing. When used in connection with consonants, this symbol represents a 
"stress" or "explosiveness," in wliicli a glottal closure is probably one factor. The 
effect of this explosion produces on the ear a "cracking" of the consonant, wliich is 
very noticeable and striking in the speech of the native Indians. 



8 Waterman [Vol. 1 

Note. — The symbols used in the above tabulation are based on the report of the 
Committee of the American Anthropological Association on the phonetic transcription 
of Indian languages." The sounds of ]\lakah correspond, almost throughout, to the 
sounds of the Kwakiutl language as described by Boas in the opening pages of his 
monograph already mentioned. The sound which Boas describes as resembling ky 
and which he writes as h, I have written hy; and similarly with his x, etc. I heard 
both s and c in Makah, and also the aflricatives, ts and ic. although in Kwakiutl only 
s and its affricative ts occur. What Boas says of the other sounds of Kwakiutl, 
seems to my ear to apply to the sounds of Makah. As with Kwawiutl, t, d and * are 
very far forward. In the language as spoken by Mr. Peterson, they were actually 
dental. 

OUier Symbols Employed — Prolongation of a vowel or consonant is indicated by 
( •), a period above the line. More pronounced prolongation is represented by a colon 
( :) following the symbol for the sound. A period between two vowels indicates that 
they do not form a diphthong. Long-continued and non-grammatical ))rolongation, as 
in rhetorical exclamations, is represented by -f-. 

The symbol " indicates that the preceding consonant was pronounced with an 
(or ii) position of the mouth. Superior letters indicate in general whispered or 
weakly articulated sounds. The symbol (<) indicates the presumable derivation of 
a term ; or marks the word with which a given expression is associated in the mind of 
the Indian. I am not sure of the etymological accuracy of all of these derivations. In 
man}' cases they are undoubtedly correct. In explaining the meaning of Indian terms, 
literal translations are preceded by (=). 

Square brackets are used, as they are ordinarily, to mark the writer's editorial 
comments, where such comments are necessary. 

-See "Report on tlie iilionetlc tiansi'riftioii i.t Iii'lian liuisuasts," in tlic hilpliosriapliy .m p. r,0 below. 



THE "CHINOOK" CAXOE 

Probably the most important factor in the whaling industry of the Makah is the 
canoe. They procure their food supplies for the most part from the open sea. In 
the latitude of Cape Flattery the Pacific Ocean is very boisterous, and good boats 
coupled with good seamanship are essential for a seafaring life. The hunting 
grounds for whales lie along the shore, and the great animals, especially certain 
species, sometimes come quite close in, but on the other hand the hunt often takes 
the Indians entirely out of sight of land. The halibut banks, also, which are the 
mainstay of their existence, and more important from the point of view of their food 
economy than is the killing of whales, lie from iive to thirty miles off shore. Under 
these circumstances, specialization in matters connected with the canoe takes on the 
very highest importance. Better canoemen than the Makah have probably never 
existed. I learn also that their boats deserve the very highest place for staunch sea- 
worthiness, coupled with great manageableness and speed. 

The Makah use only one type of craft, the so-called "Chinook" canoe. 

This type of canoe is a dugout, hewn, except for a superimposed bow and stern 
pi<;ce, from one cedar log. The particular model which is popularly spoken of as 
the "Chinook" canoe, is illustrated in Figure 2, b. The use of this model is charac- 
teristic of the whole of Puget Sound, and of a region stretching some distance to the 
north and south along the coast. I am not familiar with the exact limits of the area, 
but the Columbia River is included in it (Curtis, Vol. 8, Folio, Plate 265 shows that 
boats of this type are used by the Wishram, living at the great cascades of this 
stream). The use of this canoe characterizes the whole coast of Washington, and a 
large part of the west coast of Vancouver Island. The Nootka and Clayoquot, near 
Nootka Sound, use imposing specimens made along this model. In fact, there is 
evidence that this type of boat originated with them.^ They manufacture a large 
number of the boats whicli are in use at the present day, and supply them to the 
tribes on Puget Sound and southward, either directly, or through the Makah. As 
pointed out by Swan,** the Makah themselves do not make canoes to any great extent, 
because their territory does not furnish the best cedar. They, however, depend 
upon the canoe for all purposes, including the winning of their livelihood. The 
"Chinook" type of canoe used by them in common with other tribes has never been 
adequately described, so it may appropriately be taken up in detail here. It is as 
much used by the Makah, and as skillfully handled, as by any tribe, even though 
they do not as a usual thing manufacture their own boats. 

THE NAIIE "cHIXOOk" 

This word, "Chinook," holds a high place in the affections of the Northwest. 
Primarily the name of one small sub-lribe, living at the mouth of the Columbia River, 
it has become associated through historical accident not only with a type of canoe, 
but also with a certain "jargon language," and with a warm southwest wind. The 

' Lewis, 1906, p. 1C3. 
' 1870, p. 30. 



10 



U'atcniian 



[Vol. I 



wind does not concern us here; but the jargon language which passess commonly 
under the name "Chinook," is, like the canoe, the product primarily of the Nootka,^ 
living on the west coast of Vancouver Island, many hundreds of miles to the north 
of Chinook territory. The term Chinook has long been in use, in connection with the 
"jargon," and the canoe, and I think this usage, in spite of its inaccuracy, deserves 
to be followed. 



COMPARISON WITH CANOES OF OTHER PARTS OF THE PACIFIC COAST 

There is a good deal of similarity in the dugout canoes used by the various tribes 
along the whole Pacific Coast, including the tribes of Southern Alaska, those of 
Northern California, and all the coast tribes in between. South of the Columbia 
River, however. Indian boats are not very large, nor are they at all seaworthy. They 
are built on what the northern Indians would call a "shovel-nose" model. The bot- 
tom, that is to say, is rounded in cross section, but somewhat flatter toward the bow 
and the stern, which are cut off square, as in the "punt" of civilized communities. 
These squared ends are crowned up in a sort of peak, to relieve their clumsy appear- 
ance, and among the California tribes a carven ornament rides upon the prow. Such 
boats are excellent for quiet water, and are quite speedy, but the Indian takes his 
life in his hands if he goes very far to sea in one of them. This is the type of craft 
which the great Vancouver mentions, in connection with his exploration at Port 
Orford, in Oregon, in the year 1792: 

"Their canoes, calculated to carry about eight people, were rudely wrought out 
of a single tree ; their shape much resembled that of a butcher's tray, and seemed very 
unfit for a sea voyage or anj' distant expedition." 




Pro, 1 — Dugout canoe from Northern California (Yurok tribe). University of California, Museum of Anthropology, 
("ataloK NuMil.cr 1/1700. I.i-ngth, IS foot (,^).nO moti-isl. 

• See Meany, 1907, p. 44. 
« 1798, Vol. 1, p. 204. 



19201 



Makah Indians 



11 



This type of boat is the one used at the present time by the Yurok along the 
Klamath River, in Northern California, and by their neighbors. Figure 1 shows a 
characteristic Yurok specimen. This is exactly what we would expect to find, if a 
knowledge of navigation, and a specialized industry in canoe-making, had become 
gradually diffused southward from a center somewhere north of the Columbia River. 

The same general type of craft is known along the coast of Washington, and a 
close relative is found among the tribes of British Columbia, but it is used only in 
navigating estuaries, rivers, sloughs, creeks and other quiet waters. In other words, 
as we go southward, the size of canoes diminishes and we find fewer models in use, 
until in northern California but one type, and that a relativesly poor one, has survived. 

The "Chinook" canoe is in many ways an excellent model. It is very large, is 
pointed at both ends, and carries lofty carved prow and stern pieces. It is perfectly 
"fit" for use on the high seas. On the eastern coast of Vancouver Island, and north- 
ward among the Indians of the British Columbia coast and Alaska, a slightly differ- 
ent type of canoe is in use. This northern craft differs enough in externals of design 
from the one last mentioned to be easih' distinguishable. If we call the second the 
"Chinook" model, we may speak of this third type perhaps as the "Northern" model. 
These "Northern" canoes, of which the Haida make probably the best specimens, 
are very large in size, .exceeding the "Chinook" specimens (though the latter in 
extreme cases reach a length of fifty feet or more). The northern boat is also more 
elaborately ornamented. The main differences in shape are that the northern model 
has a vertical cutwater, and an oblique stern, while the Chinook model has a sloping 
cutwater, and is vertical at the stern. These differences are illustrated in Figure 2. 






b Stern 

NORTH COAST 



c Cross section amidships. 



MODEL. 





/, Cross section amidships. 



CHINOOK MODEL 



I.- Two types of se 



The "northern" model is drawn from a Haida specimen (University of Wash- 
ington, State Museum, Accession No. 271); the "Chinook" model is from a minia- 
ture canoe made of alder, Makah tribe (Catalog Number 26;)8). 



12 Jl'atcniuvi [\'o\. 1 

The difference just mentioned has been pointed out by previous writers. Niblaok 
in Plate 3t of his "Coast Indians of Southern Alaska," illustrates it with a plate. In 
his drawing, however, he has turned his Haida boat end for end, placing the stern 
where the bow ought to be. This misrepresentation may be the error of his draftsman. 
Niblack's own remarks, however (on page 295 of his work), seem to indicate that 
the two ends of the boat are confused with each other in his memory. The bow of the 
Haida boat, as may be noticed in Figure 2 on this page, does at first glance seem 
to be designed for a stern. The best canoes in this Northwestern region, whether of 
the northern or the Chinook model, show an outward "flare" in the side just below 
the gunwale. The Makah boats exhibit this feature, and Curtis mentions it as charac- 
terizing the canoes of Puget Sound (Curtis, Vol. 9, p. 60). Its purpose is to keep 
waves from curling into the boat in rough weather. It hardly seems that so slight a 
protection could have much effect, yet I am assured that the presence of the flare 
makes the boat behave quite differently in a sea. The Makah say that the "northern" 
or Haida boats lack this feature. Niblack, on the other hand (p. 295 of his work), 
says that the northern models have it, while the Makah or "Chinook" specimens lack 
it. The truth very likely is that the use of this flare depends upon the skill of tlie 
individual carpenter. The only Haida canoe which I have had a chance to examine 
(a University of Washington specimen), did not have this feature. I doubt, liowever. 
in view of Niblack's remarks, that the lack of it is characteristic of any particular 
tribe. The "northern" boats, says Niblack, "have projecting prows, higii, spur- 
shaped sterns, flaring gunwales, and a gracefully rounding or curving cross-section, 
although without any distinct keel. The latter have the blunt, straight stern, a grace- 
fully curving bow, but a flat bottom, with little curve in the cross-section." This type 
is "heavier, roomier, stronger, less cranky, and more durable than the Haida type, 
but the latter is swifter, handier, and more buoyant." The present writer's Makah 
informant says that the Haida canoe is not so "dry" as the Makah boat, nor is the 
Haida boat, they say, so easy to handle. The Makah canoe ships no water except in 
the wildest weather, and is even then easily kept free with a bailer (for this ingenius 
utensil see below page 27). The Haida canoe, possibly on account of its liigh stern, 
is said to be particularly good in a following sea. 

"rating" of canoes 

As remarked above, most of the tribes of the Pacific Northwest liave \arioiis 
styles of craft, for use under special circumstances. For example, they often have 
flat-bottomed and blunt-nosed canoes for use in still waters, and along creeks and 
rivers. The !Makah spend their time in the turbulent waters around their cape, and 
use their sharp-nosed sea-going Chinook canoes practically to the exclusion of every- 
thing else. The only variant is a small wide boat, "with a stern at both ends." which 
is used by young people before they can be trusted to handle the big canoes. Tliey 
use, however, various sizes of canoes. The general term for canoe is tc'A'p.Ats 
(Chap-ats, in the notation given by Swan). Niblack mentions four ratings as gen- 
erally recognized among tlic Indians': (1) Hunting and fishing canoes. (2) family 



1920] Makah Indians 13 

and transportation canoes. (3) voyaging canoes, and (1) war canoes. Swan*^ groups 
the canoes of the Makah into four classes. The spelling and accent of the native 
terms for these ratings differ on different pages of this work. They are as follows : 
(1) The whaling canoe, pa-dau-t'hl (p. 21), pah-dow-tlil (p. 95); (2) the canoe 
for six persons, bo-kwis-tat (p. 21), bo-kwis-tat (p. 95); (3) a smaller canoe, 
a-tlis-tat (p. 21), ar-tlls-tat (p. 95); (4) a very small canoe used for fisliing. 
ta-ka-aii-da (p. 21), ta-kaow-dah (p. 95). 

XoTE. — Swan's pa-dau-t'lil is probably pada'wiL.^outfit. or equipment. The 
term in-obably refers to the equipment of floats, lines, tow-ropes, and harpoons, witli 
which the wlialing canoe is laden. His term for the second type, bo-kwis-tat. is ex- 
plained by my informant as bu-kyi'st, bu = four, kyist = inside. It would seem to be 
properly a descriptive expression for canoes carrying four persons, not six. His 
term a-tlis-tat, I cannot identify. His term for the "very small canoe," "te-ka-au-da. 
is apparently tek'eodi'yak (:=; in the middle one sits). The craft was so small 
that one could not sit in the stern without capsizing. 

Curtis mentions two sorts of canoes, the whaling canoe, "oo'talisets." and the 
war canoe, "wi-tuk-ests." 

According to my informant there are seven "ratings " as follows: 

The "freight" canoe, ci'tLats. This craft is the largest made. Such canoes 
are employed when people are moving their effects from one locality to another. In 
some cases even the house timbers are loaded into the canoe, or towed along beliind. 
Occasionally two or three canoes are lashed side by side, and the house planks laid 
across them to make a platform, spaces being left between the planks to accommodate 
the paddlers. The Makah do not often resort to this device. If a squall comes up 
the lashings liave to be cast off. or the canoes soon fill. 

The "war" canoe. witA'ksAts (tAkwi'dak — war). This is given bv' Curtis 
(\'ol. II. p. 179) as wi-tuk-csts. The craft is also known as the tLe'iks (^expe- 
dition, or errand, boat). It is somewhat smaller than the preceding, and has much 
less width of beam, in proportion to its length. It is used in warfare, for making 
ceremonial visits, in connection with marriages and feasts, and is employed for all 
extended trips. Canoes of this kind combine seaworthiness witli speed, but could not 
carry much cargo without great inconvenience. 

The "whaling" canoe. The bottom of tliis craft is 1' o "stretches ' of the builder's 
arms in length. 

The "three people" canoe, atLA'kwodiyak. This term is said to be descriptive 
of the position of the men in the canoe, namely, two men forward, paddling, witli a 
steersman in tlie sternsheets. 

The "sealing" canoe. y£'cabA(|Ats ("for two men"). In pursuing the seal, one 
man paddled while the other planted himself in tlie bow witli tlie liarpoon in readi- 
ness. This general method is the one employed by civilized sealers at the present, 
each boat carrying a "boat-puller," and a "hunter, " the latter with a rifle. The 
sealing canoe is carefully designed so tiiat it does not splash the water as it sur- 
mounts the waves. It carries a "knife-blade " at each end. whicli cuts tin- water (see 

» 1870. pp. 21. (1.-.. 



14 Waterman [Vol. 1 

below page 19. The seal are very alert and a boat which squatters over the 
swells causes them to take alarm. This canoe measures along the bottom 3l/o 
"stretches" of the arms, from tip to tip of the fingers. 

The "one man" canoe, tck'eodi'yak (^in the middle one sits). This is men- 
tioned in the note above. It accomodates one person only. 

The "children's canoe," hupi'dwwac (<hu'p£d — salmon-trout). This craft 
is small and, as the Indians say, "has a stern at both ends." In other words, both 
stern and bow are finished off with a carven piece like the one represented in Figure 
1. This boat is paddled about by children, for practice. 

THE HULL OF THE CANOE 

Features of the hull described by other writers 

Note. — Fairly complete accounts of the splitting out and hollowing of the 
canoe are given both by Swan and Niblack. Swan's especially is an excellent de- 
scription, in outline. Niblack's account concerns primarily the Coast Indians of 
Southern Alaska and British Columbia, but what he says applies in large part to 
the Makali also. This description is not as full as the preceding one. 

Curtis' passages on this matter add little to the ones previously written. This 
author does not seem as a rule to be much interested in technological processes. 

A very full description of the shaping of a canoe hull, a description which is 
admirable in every way, and extremely graphic, is the one by Boas (Vol. 5, Part 2, 
1909. pp. 31-1-369). This is a remarkable account, in Kwakiutl and English, of 
all the operations of canoe-making, including the ceremonial observances connected 
with it. 

The Felling of the Timber of the Cniioe — A cedar tree for canoe-making is 
selected with elaborate care, holes being bored to test its soundness (Boas, p. 344). 
It is felled near a water-way (Niblack, p. 297). The carpenter "makes it fall" 
on a favorable spot by throwing chips there ; and he calls a warning to the tree, 
when he hears the wood cracking, to go down gently (Boas, p. 344). 

Shaping of the Hull — The log is cut to the length required for the canoe by 
the use of mauls and wedges. The sap wood is split off, and the top side of the 
log is removed slab bj' slab to the level of the gunwales. Then the section of log 
is turned over and the bottom of the canoe hewn out. Then it is reversed again and 
the interior removed in slabs. When roughly shaped it is towed home and turned 
bottom side up, to receive the final finish (Boas, 19. pp. 344-346; Swan, 1S70. j)]). 
35, 36; Niblack, 1888, p. 297). 

The different sections are adzed out in regularly prescribed order (Boas, 1909, 
pp. 359-369; Figure 63, on p. 349 of his work). The thickness of the sides of the 
canoe is one finger's width near the top, one and one-half finger's width midway 
of the side, and two fingers' width at the bottom (Boas, p. 363). 

Designing — The proper length for canoes for different purposes is established 
by tribal custom (Boas, p. 350), and is measured by fathoms (a fathom being the 
"reach " of the maker, the widest stretch of his arms). The curves of the canoe 
are made entirelv by the eye (Swan, p. 36). The thickness of the sides is gauged 
by placing one hand on the inside, the other on the outside and passing them over 
the work (Swan, p. 36), or by drilling, here and there, numerous small holes, which 
are later plugged with cedar pegs (Boas, p. 360). 

Tools — The instruments consist of hand-adzes, long-handled adzes (both with 
blades of stone), wedges of yew-wood bound with cedar withes to prevent s))litting. 



1920] ^fakal: Indians 15 

mauls of stone (Niblack, p. 297), bone drills, polishing materials, and chisels of 
mussel-shell (Swan, p. 36). 

A complete account of each of these tools is given bj' Boas, pp. 319-327. 

Widening the Canoe — When the log is small, the sides of the canoe are widened 
out with the aid of heat (Swan, p. 36). Fresh water is poured into the canoe to 
the depth of four fingers. Into tliis, red-hot stones are dropped, by means of tongs. 
When the water is hot, it is sprinkled all over the inner surface of the sides with 
a bailer (Boas, pp. 364-366). The outside of the hull is warmed by nearby fires 
of bark (Swan, p. 36; Curtis, Vol. 9, p. 60) or bj' scorching with celar splints 
(Boas. p. 366). When the wood is "heated through," special struts of plank are 
placed crosswise in the hull, and pounded home with a maul. This spreads the sides 
of the canoe, in some cases as much as ten inches or a foot. Permanent thwarts 
are then lashed into place (Boas, p. 366-367; see below, page 21). 

Botv and Stern Pieces — The characteristic feature in the canoes of tlie North- 
west are bold and striking bows and sterns. These consist of separate pieces, 
hewn out of logs and joined to the hull bj' dowells and lashings (Curtis, Vol. 9, 
p. 60; Swan, p. 36). The joining of these additional parts to the Iiull is so close 
and well done that they are water tight without caulking. This careful fitting is 
accomplished by rubbing the hull where the extra piece is to be fitted on with 
grease and charcoal. The bow-piece is then seated exactly in place. When re- 
moved, those parts, which have been blackened by contact with the opposite surface, 
are adzed down, and the process is repeated until the bow-piece fits smoothly along 
its whole length (Swan, p. 37), 

Thwarts — These consist among the Makah of round poles (Swan, p. 36). 
Among the Kwawiutl they are narrow ])lanks. three fingers wide with a thickness of 
one finger (Boas, p. 366). Among the Makah they are fastened in place with 
cedar witlics, which pass through perforations in the side of the boat (Swan, p, 
36; Curtis, Vol. 9, p, 60). For the details, see p. 21 below. 

Taboos — Boas mentions the following rules observed by the canoe-builder: He 
avoids contact with the opposite sex (p. 34'4) ; otherwise he finds rotten places in 
the wood from which he is shaping the hull. He does not comb his hair (p. 345) ; 
otherwise the ends of bis canoe become split. Also, he does not permit anybody 
to look wlien he is heating the hull and spreading the sides (p. 347) ; for that may 
cause the canoe to split open. Similar rules .ire scrupulously observed by the Makah. 

Paint — The inside of the canoe is colored with a "paint" composed of fish-oil, 
or seal-oil, and ochre, or "Indian red" (Swan. p. 37). This red ochre is obtained 
from a deposit in the territory of tlu Quilliute tribe, along the Quilliute River 
(Swan, p. 17). Sometimes charcoal is mixed with oil and rubbed on the outside of 
the hull. More commonly the hull is cliarred or scorched with lighted cedar splits, 
as described below (page 22; Swan, )). 37). Blue clay instead of ochre seems 
to have been used in the Puget Sound region (Curtis. Vol. 9, p. 61). 

Carving — On the flat surface at the tip of the bow-piece, transverse grooves 
are gouged, to make an ornamental pattern of parallel lines. (See Figure 4 below, 
p. 17). Sometimes a pair of large round holes are cut through the bow-piece 
just below the tip (Xiblack, Plate 34, upper figure, represents this feature). A 
square-looking ornament, carved in relief, may be seen on the bow of most canoes 
some distance down on the neck (inaccurately indicated by Plate 34 of Niblick and 
Figure 18 of Swan; various plates of Curtis' work also show tiiis ornament). The 
prow terminates in a carving which, according to Boas (p, 444), resembles a bird's 
nest, but according to Curtis "has an accidental resemblance to a dog's head" 
(Vol. 9, p, 60). The form of carving is fixed by custom, but has no symbolic 
meaning. 



16 



Waterman 



[Vol. 1 



Similar incised lines are found in the "throat" of the prow, and on the stern- 
piece ; the parallel incised lines of carving are carried from bow to stern along the 
inside of the canoe, below the gunwale. [Something similar to this is mentioned by 
Curtis, Vol. 9, p. 60.] 




Parts of the hull 

1. Carved bow-piece, kwAqu'b (=sits at the bow). 

2,29. Joint, or "scarf," where the prow is joined to the hull (tabi'vq"). 

3, 3. Perforations, connected by transverse grooves, which accommodate 
the necessary lashings. 

4a. Projecting ornament, q'ada'do (=uvula). 

46. Incised ornamentation consisting of parallel lines, tsu'tsu (=scratches). 

5. Forward projection of the prow, le'kw'iLtAb (^tongue stiking out). 

6, 6. Tip ends of the gunwales, ihi'qaAL (^ears). 

12. After-end of the gunwale strip. 

8. A thwart, tap'ab (=brace). 

9. Space between tlie forward pair of thwarts, tl.'asu'b — Ats (=mast- 

holder). 
10. Gunwale-strip, tL'e'txats (^paddle-piece). 
11, 11', 11". .Joint, or scarf, where the stern-piece is fastened to the hull. 
1 2. After-end of the gun-wale strip. 

IS. Carven stern-piece, kwa'a'ktLib (=sitting at the stern). 
14. Incised ornamentation resembling 4?). 

Navies for the "spaces" betrceen the thu-arls 

A. hitA'kwAd (Swan, pp. 21, 9!>, he-tuk-wad, hey-tuks-wad). 

B. kaqai'yuwaxs (Swan, loc.cit ka-kai-woks, hah-hai-xcohs). 



tc'eL-'kduwAxs (Swan, loc.cit. cha-t'hluk-dos, chah,-thlik-do-as). 



liitA'ksistAxs (=inside place), 
ll.'i'tca (=stern). 



ADDITIONAL NOTES ON THE HULL 

Boxc and Stern Pieces 



When the canoe is small, the whole hull is carved from one piece. In the craft 
of greater size, large additional pieces, called in general si'kwAb="sitting jjieccs" 
(<kwasa=to sit), are fastened on to the hull. These added sections are designed 
with great elegance, and, as described by Swan (p. 36), are fitted to the canoe with 
exquisite care. The bow-piece. kwAqu'b. is rough-hewn from a cedar log, to the 



1920] 



Makah Indians 



17 



proper dimensions. On the Inill a "scarf," tabi'dfq*' (="joint") is prepared, into 
which the bow-piece exactly fits. In some cases shoulders in this scarf prevent the 
bow-piece from slipping when it is once in place. In other cases a large curving 
socket is cut in the bow of the boat, and the bow-piece carved so as to fit in. Plate 
\.b, shows a carpenter fitting such a bow-piece on his boat. Holes are drilled into 
the edges of both elements, carefull_y matched as to position. Cedar pegs or 
"dowells," iLA'p'iqAb (<tL'tla'pa = to hammer) are then used to fasten the two 
together. The work is so well done that the hull and the additions to it seem to be 
all in one piece. The "auger" for boring holes consists of a bone blade set in a 
handle and twirled between the palms. This drill is described and figured by Boas 
(p. 323 of his work). 

These bow and stern pieces are very carefully designed with a view to artistic 
effect. They add very markedly to the gracefulness of the boat. Moreover, they 
carry out and round off the lines of the hull, and lend a very "finished" effect. The 
flat gunwales of the canoe are carried or "lifted" to meet the top of the bow piece, 
producing a fine sweeping curve, and are cut off square at their extremity. What 
seems to be a notch between them. Figure 5, h, and as seen in Plate 1, h, is really a 
trench or groove. This trench is in origin a continuation of the floor of the canoe, 
which becomes V-shaped at the bow and rises up to meet the gunwales. The corners 



Fig. 4 — Diat- 




a, notch where the point of the harpoon rests; h, the scratch ornanuiitatioii : 
tongue, or \vid<;t -shaped projection; </, tiie gunwale. 



18 Waterman [Vol. 1 

of the projecting prow are called the ihi'iiabAL, (=the edge or margin of a person's 
ear). The harpoon point rests in this notch when the Indians are after whale or 
porpoise. Perhaps the most striking element in the prow is a carven "snout, " which 
projects out in front of the "ears." It is called le'kw'iLtAb, "tongue sticking out" 
(<l£ka:'ik ^ "tongue") ; and gives the prow exactly the appearance of an animal's 
head. The Indians say that this carving represents nothing at all, and is merely "for 
looks." The life-like "effect " of the ornamentation is increased by the "cock" of the 
prow, the whole canoe having an air of alertness, as though it were alive and moving 
of its own accord. The Indian's consciousness of the canoe as an artistic whole, and 
his anxiety for effect, is shown by the carving of the projecting ornamentation svhich 
is visible on the neck of the canoe, some distance below the snout. It is called 
q'ada'ds, "uvula" (the organ which projects downward from the soft palate, in the 
back of the mouth cavity). The Indians say that the boat "looks bad," unless there 
is something at this point to break the line of the prow. The loving care they expend 
on the making of the canoe is also shown by a decoration consisting of lightly incised 
lines. Across the flat surface leading back from the "ears " is an ornamentation con- 
sisting of parallel grooves, called tsu'tstsu (<tsuts ^ scratch: tsu = to finish off). 
This "scratch ornamentation" is shown in Figure 4. 

Where the longitudinal groove begins to widen out to make the body of the boat, 
a wedge-shaped tongue (Figure 4, c) is invariably carved. This again is merely "to 
give finish." From this tongue, horizontal grooves called tsu'tsi.i'dAb (tsuts = to 
scratch; i'dAb = gunwale), extend along the inside of the boat just below the gun- 
wale,' clear to the stern. They are purely for ornament, but like the other features, 
are found in this same unvarying form in all good canoes. This ornamentation is 
made with a special tool resembling a reamer. 

The stern-piece. kwa'a'ktLib (= sits on the stern), is not so large as the bow- 
piece, nor (as might perhaps be expected) is it so elaborately ornamented. But it is 
most appropriately designed to "fit" its place, and merges admirably into the general 
design of the canoe. I do not see how anything could better illustrate the Indian's 
eye for effect than the care taken in designing this modest and inconspicuous stern- 
post. Like the bow-piece, it is painstakingly carpentered, and dowelled and lashed 
into place. 

When the boat needs mending, sections of plank or jiatches are set into the 
side. Such an inset or patch is called qwAb. or tL';is"i (<tLa'sak^an addition). 
Old boats are likely to be much iiatohed, as the result of the weathering and crack- 
ing of the wood, and hard usage. 

I have tried to indicate my sense of the artistic skill shown in the designing of 
these "sitting pieces." It must be borne in mind that their purpose is, nevertheless, 
primarily not aesthetic. The upreared bow-piece is put there to throw aside the seas 
into which the canoe is driven. If it were not there, every sea which the boat 
encountered would come right aboard. The stern-piece has a similar function and 
increases the seaworthiness of the boat tremendously. The bow-piece is much the 
larger of the two for obvious reasons, since the boat rides a following sea much more 
easilv than the seas which arc met solidlv. head-on. In beaching a canoe, the Makah 



1920] 



Makah Indians 



19 



always ride in stern-foremost. I think this is on account of the fine protection against 
heavy seas that is afforded by the bow. Both bow and stern-pieces are so slender that 
they hardly seem adequate to keep off the seas (see Figure 5, 6). They have prob- 
ably been reduced, as the result of long usage, to the slenderest design which will 
fulfill the purpose. Yet even in their present form they are highly useful. I dare say 
that their reduction to their present slender proportions has been equally for the 
artistic effect of delicacy, and for the practical consideration of reducing the total 
weight of the boat. The Indians have reached in this feature of tlie canoe what 
seems to my mind the highest artistic success, the making of what is a commonplace 
and practical contrivance, also artistically beautiful. 





Fig. .') — The sliapo of the "Chinook" ranoe. 

a, the hull below the water line; h, the appearance of the canoe from in front. At 
points Nos. 1 and 2 in the upper figure the bottom narrows into a sort of knife-blade. 

THE SH.\PE OF THE HULL 

The under side of the boat (Fig. 5, a) has some interesting features, from the 
Standpoint of design. From the point marked 1 and 2 in the diagram (Fig. 5, a) 
the bottom of the boat narrows and at the same time protrudes slightly, producing 
a sort of keel at bow and stern. The narrow part rides somewhat lower in the 
water than the rest of the bottom. A "blade" of this sort at bow or stern is called 
stp-u's (<si'ap = anything elongated and crested). It has a very practical pur- 
pose. In hunting sea-mammals, especially the seal and the otter, great silence is 
necessary. A ship's boat, even one of the better designed ones, when it surmounts 
a wave and dips forward is likely to slap the surface of the water. This noise often 
alarms the quarry. Seals are frequently found napping in the water, turned on 
their backs or their sides, with the hind flippers turned forward and up, breathing 



20 Waterman [Vol. 1 

peacefully as their heads emerge from the waves. The Indian canoe can approacli 
much more silently than the white man's boat, for this knife-blade at bow or stern 
cuts the water, instead of pounding down into it. The seal canoe has conspicuous 
"knife-blades" at both bow and stern, to prevent any splashing which might result 
from the pitching of the boat in the seas. 

The Chinook canoe has a rather flat bottom, as pointed out by a previous writer 
(6, Fig. 2, p. 11 above). The terms for the various parts of the inside of the hull 
are shown in the following diagram (Fig. 6): 



a. hitA'ktAk, bottom. 

b. tL^Atc, curve at the side (<tL'AtcAk = to fold). 

c. hitA'tsk, side. 

d. hitAkwi'i, along the top of the gunwale. 

e. tL'e'txats, gunwale-strip (<tLi'''xAk = to paddle). 

f. di'tLki"i, out-turn of the side, just at the gunwale. 

Interior Fittings 

The canoe has no ribs or knees, "holding up" merely by the strength of 
the solid hull. Along the top of the gunwale lies a gunwale-strip, tL'e'ixats (mean- 
ing "against it one works the paddle"). This is a thin strip of plank some three 
inches wide, extending from stem to stern of the boat. This plank is fastened 
down with cedar pegs. Its purpose is to prevent the sides from being worn down 
by the rubbing of the paddles as the boat is propelled. When this strip becomes 
worn, it is easily replaced by a new one. The thwarts are called ta'p-ab, "bracers" 
or "spreaders" (<ta = to brace). This term arises from the custom of spreading 
a canoe artificially by means of heat as described above in the quotations from 
Swan and Boas. Special struts, ta'ktup (<taktc=to push with a pole) were used 
for the actual work of prying the canoe open. The thwarts get the name "spread- 
ers" because they were fitted in as though to keep the sides from closing together 
again. The word "spreaders" is in general use for thwarts, although this "spread- 
ing" was done only in special cases. The fitting of the thwarts is done as follows: 
Round pieces of the proper length are cut. and each end is worked down into a sort 
of dowell, suptsu'watits. One hole is drilled horizontally through the thwart, and 
two pairs of smaller holes through the side of the canoe (Fig. 7), one pair above 
the other. A withe made of cedar limb is soaked to make it soft. It is first rove 
through the thwart, is then passed outward through the side of the boat, and back 



1920] 



Makah Indians 



21 



through another perforation, then through the thwart again, and so on, by the 
method shown in Fig. 7, until the thwart is firmly bound in place. The remainder 
of the withe is served around the dowell. Both ends being caught beneath the 
lashing, the whole is very solid and presents moreover a very workmanliiie appear- 
ance. The lashings neatly fill in over the more slender part of the thwart, and give 
the whole a very smooth and finished effect. 



3 2 I 




Fig. 7 — Diagram slioAviiig the lashing wliicli holds the thAvarts in place. 

a, A section from the outside of the boat, showing the appearance of the two turns 
of lashing seen from the outside, h, Diagram showing how the lashings are applied. 
The strip is laid along the thwart, beginning at 1, goes through the thwart at 2, 
enters a hole through the side of the boat at 3, emerges on the outside of the hull 
at 4, starts inward through a hole at 5, enters the hole througli the thwart at 6, 
passes through the luiU again at 7, returning at 8, passes through the thwart at 9, 
emerges on the far side, and begins to wrap around it as at 10. r, diagram of a 
cross-section of the side of the boat, showing the thwart and the finished wrapping, 
with the end cauglit under a turn at 11. 

The manufacture of tliese cedar withes or lashings is described by Boas 
(p. 375) and will be referred to later in the present paper under the heading of 
ropes and lines. 

On the floor of the boat are other fittings. Forward in the boat, just below 
the pair of thwarts at the bow, is a socket in which the mast is stepped when sail 
is hoisted. This socket, hi'ksn'b, is a carven block of alder wood, -i inches wide by 
8 inches long, thin toward the edges and thick in the center. In its upper surface a 
pit is carved which accommodates the foot of the mast. The block is fastened 
lengthwise in the bottom of the boat with cedar pegs. The canoe curve is supplied 
with bottom-boards of cedar (Lit-tsi'b ^ "covering." a word applied to mats or 
anything used to cover an object). They are carefully smoothed and rounded to 
fit the shape of the boat, and furthermore are "crowned up" toward their middle 
part, so that whatever water comes aboard drains off of them. Between the end 
of one plank and the end of the next one, a space is left to permit of bailing the 
boat. The bailer is an ingeniously shaped object, to be described on a later page. 

It will be seen by looking at the figure that the thwarts or "seats" are round 
poles. Blankets and mats are used to pad these poles to form scats. The Jndian 
kneels to paddle, however. The canoes made on the northern coast are provided with 
flat benches. I am not informed why the Makali and their immedate neighbors elect 
to employ poles instead of beiiciics. Makah canoes at the i)rescnt time are often 



22 Waterman [Vol. 1 

fitted with ribs, and the seats made of plank, and the small canoes often have thole- 
pins or metal oarlocks. 

Care of the Hull 

The outside of the hull is carefully charred over with lighted cedar splints. This 
is done when the canoe is first made in order to preserve the wood from decay. 
The process is repeated from time to time, and the canoe rubbed with a wisp of grass, 
or cedar twigs, to clear the bottom of the fouling of barnacles and seaweed which 
accumulate there (Swan, p. 37). 

These matters are described by Boas in the following terms: 

"When the canoe is made ready for the hunting season, its outer side is dried 
carefully, so that all the small splints turn outward. These are burned off with 
torches, which are afterwards moved once more slowly over the whole surface of 
the canoe until a layer of charcoal shows on the outside. Then the canoe is turned 
over and allowed to cool. When it is cold, it is rubbed down [with an old mat, 
according to another passage] at right angles to the grain of the wood. When it 
is quite smooth, the outside up to the water-line is smeared with tallow. Olachen- 
oil is not used for this purpose, on account of its odor. After this the bottom of 
the canoe is struck with spruce-branches to give it a good smell. 

The canoe must never rest on the ground ; otherwise its bottom becomes rough- 
ened. It is always carried, never pushed along over stones. It must rest so high 
that a person can sit under the bow, and lift it on his shoulder. The hunter carries 
in his canoe two round cedar-sticks, about 10 cm. in diameter and a meter long. 
When a landing is made during ebb-tide, the stern is brought ashore first. The poles 
are then placed under the canoe to protect the bottom from the pebbles of the beach." 
(Boas, p. 500.) 

Ornamentation 

Mention has just been made of the fact that the prow is carved in such a 
form as to suggest the head of an animal (see above, p. 15). Curtis remarks that 
this resemblance is accidental ; and my own inquiry pointed to the same conclusion. 
That is, my informant stated that while this carving is considered necessary by 
tribal custom, it does not "mean anything." This is remarkable, because the form 
given the prow is far too lifelike to be the result of anything but design. More- 
over, the neighboring tribes to the east and north of the Makah have a highly 
developed totemic art. Carvings representing animals play a great part in their 
lives. Figures representing animals are invariably present on their canoes, lending 
the craft a very picturesque appearance. It seems altogether likely, then, that this 
carving on the Makah canoe was, in origin, totemic. If so. its significance is not 
recognized at the present day. The Makah canoe, compared to that of the 
Kwakiutl, or the Haida, is very plain, and almost devoid of external ornamen- 
tation. Whatever artistic interest it has, results principally from beauty of design, 
and careful workmanship. 

In addition to the black coloring material consisting of "fish-oil" and charcoal, 
mentioned by Swan, an evil-smelling black muck, obtained in swamps, is sometimes 
used. It is called kak'i'tsbts (cf. sAkw'a'kubts = dirt, earth). The fish-oil (olachen- 
oil? dogfish oil?) mentioned by Swan is in some cases replaced by decayed salmon 



1920] 



Makah Indians 



23 



roe (a'tc'pab). The "Indian red" (red ochre) is called LtxtC£'t"bis. The combina- 
tion dries very quickly. The charcoal used in painting is called tibt'sbis. The best 
kind is obtained by burning alder. White clay, tL'si'bAs, is occasionally used in 
making designs, sometimes on canoes. 

SAILS AND RIGGING 

Features of the rigging described by other writers 

Sails — The primitive sail is of the "square" type (Swan, p. 38) and is made 
of cedar-bark matting (Swan, p. 38; Boas, p. 446). It is attached top and bottom 
to yards consisting of light cedar poles (Swan, p. 38). These mats are woven on 
a woof of cedar-bark twine. At the top and bottom of the mat these war-strings 
are made into an openwork border, which permit the sail to be easily attached to 
the yard (Boas, p. 391). 

Among the Kwakiutl sails were made also of thin boards, sewed together (Boas, 
p. 4-16). 

Rigging — This consists of a mast, two yards, a "hallyard" to pull up the sail, 
the "sheets" and "braces' (Boas, p. 446; Swan, figure 20) which are attached to 
each corner of the sail. 




24 



Waterman 



[Vol. 1 



e, 
f. 

9-9'' 



mast, tLaxsi'b. 
noose at masthead. 

upper yard. tLiicVixtub (<tLucak=^a rod: liideaxtiL=over the top), 
sail of matting, Ltsa'p'iyak (<Li'tsAk^to spread: hidap = up). 
halyard, tci'aptLtLek ( <tci'apiL ^ to pull up), 
"brace," tci-tcabub (<tci^to pull: ihi't'abuL :^ the top corner of the human 

ear). 
lower yard, tLusa'baktLtb ( <CtLusak' ^ rod: liitAksabaktL ^ the bottom 

edge of a mat, or other fabric), 
"sheet," tci-ksaba'ktLiyek (= pulling on the bottom of a mat). 



ADDITIONAL NOTES ON RIGGING 



The sail is an oblong mat (Curtis; chibat) of a type already described and 
figured by Boas (1909, p. 383, figures 74, 75; 1916, p. 52, figure 9). A specimen in 
the University of Washington Museum consists of a mat, three feet and one inch 
wide by five feet seven inches long, with a pole or "yard" at its top and bottom. 
Boas remarks that only coarse mats and large baskets are made in this checkerboard 
weave, a twilled tecnique apparently being employed for the finer pieces. 




Fig. 9 — Diagrnm illustrating the weave employed in a sail oi: cedar-bark matting : a, The border where the 
sail is attached to the yard ; b. Section from the middle part of the lower border. University of AVashington, 
State Museum, Catalog Number 209 (Makah tribe). Diameter of yard; 1^;^ Inches (2.7 cm.); width of ele- 
ments, Vj cm. 



1920] Makah Indians 25 

1, 1, 1, 1. Warp tlements. 

2, 2, 2, 2, Woof elements. 

3,3', Broad ribbon-like strips of eedar-bark. 1 cm. wide, dyed black, and 

worked in along the edges of the mat as an ornamental border. 
4, 4', String or cord of braided cedar-bark, which serves as the foundation of 
the "edging" which finishes off the sides of the sail. The woof strands 
numbered 2, 2, 2 pass over tlie black "ribbon," then around the cord, 
and the end is fastened down by the next following strand of woof. 
The wide ribbon 3' is separated into three divisions at its terminations, 
and these divisions are caught separatelv into this cord, and held 
fast (5, 5', 5"). 
6. 6', A single row of plain twining, which binds the warp elements in place 
at the lower fringe of the mat. Each strip is caught separately in a 
"turn" of this plain twining. 

The vertical ribbon, 3, is also divided into three narrow strips, and 

each of these strips is caught separately into the row of plain twining, 

as indicated at 5, 5', and 5". 

7. 7' 7". A three-strand braid, produced by plaiting together three adjacent warp 

strips, as they emerge below the row of twining. From 20 to 30 

rows at each side are finished in this way. Toward the center of the 

mat, the strips are merely twisted together, some of the elements 

being split and parted to one side and the other. This braiding and 

twisting produces the openwork effect. 

A strip of cedar-bark, wound spirally around the braid, t. Appar- 
ently in making this border, the maker worked from the right toward 
the left. Each string is caught under this spiral ribbon; and is then 
turned over it to the left, where the end is caught under the succeeding 
coil of the spiral. 
9, 9', Light three-strand string, with wliich the "clews" or corners of the sail 
arc caught to the yard. 

The openwork border resembles in weave the basket border shown in Boas, 
1909, figure 81. page 392. The University of Washington specimen seems to be 
specially designed for a sail, being finished off in one way at the upper and lower 
borders, and in another tecnique at the sides. Its construction is shown in figure 
9. The mat figured by Boas as a typical specimen has three black elements worked 
into the fabric, parallel to the border, producing a sort of band of checkerboard 
ornamentation around the edge of the mat. The present specimen has four similar 
rows of this black and white ornamentation, beside a wide ribbon of black, which is 
inserted just inside the border. 

The sailing equipment of the Makah canoe is very primitive. The mast is a simple 
pole, which is inserted in the socket already described, and lashed upright between 
the two forward thwarts. There are no stays to hold it in place, the mast holding 
up through the rigidity of the wood. It is hardly more than a stick, since the sail 
is very small, and the strain is not at all heavy. A noose made of a cedar withe is 
lashed to the top of the pole. Through this is rove a line of twisted sea-lion gut. 
This line is called bAqw'Atsi'dibe-k (<bAqw't'ts = string) or simply tsi'kyub, "gut". 
It served as a halyard for hoisting the sail. Sometimes this noose is replaced by 



26 Waterman [Vol. 1 

a hole made in the mast itself. At top and bottom the warp threads project beyond 
the fabric in the form of loops. Through these loops a round stick or rod might be 
inserted to serve as a "yard." In the specimen examined by myself (Fig. 9) the sail 
is attached to the pard by extra lashing. The sail is of a square type, and the only 
additional rigging required beyond the halyard for pulling up the sail are "sheets" 
attached at the lower corners, and "braces" attached at the upper corners of the 
sali, to manage it in the breeze. 

Captain Cook writing in 1778 says that sails are not aboriginal in this region. 
The Indians of today look upon their sails and rigging as their own invention. 

DEFECTS OF THE CANOE 

The canoe is not designed for a sailing craft, and so its design from that stand- 
point is very defective. Progress by tacking is impossible, as the boat would make 
more leeway than headway. When a breeze comes over the stern they hoist sail. 
When there is no favorable breeze, they stow the mast and sail, and paddle. They 
have no words for "tacking" or "wearing" or other nautical maneuvers. The worst 
weakness of the canoe is a structural one — namely, a tendency to split (see Boas, 
p. 446). A canoe may split open into two halves if roughly handled, especially if 
it is driven vigorously into a cross sea. When hauled up on the beach, it is carefully 
covered from the effects of the sun, which starts "checking" and splitting, and may 
in a few hours ruin a good boat. This covering may consist of mats, blankets, boards 
or branches (Boas, p. 446; Curtis, Vol. 10, p. 16). These are the points in which 
the Indian canoe is inferior to the white man's boats. For buoyancy and easy riding 
of the waves in stormy weather, it compares favorably with any craft in the world. 
In cleverness of design and adaptation to its special purpose, and for artistic grace, 
it may almost be called a triumph of workmanship. 



PADDLES 

Information contained in previous accounts 

Material — The paddle is made of yew or maple (Curtis, Vol. 9, p. 61 ; Swan, 
p. 38; Boas, 1909, p. 496). The cross-piece at the top is made of "red pine" (Boas, 
p. 497). [Alder, according to my information concerning the Makah practice; cf. 
Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 179]. 

Design — The blade is thin and somewhat elastic, and often sharply pointed or 
"lanceolate." The sharper types are said to make less noise when entering the 
water (Boas, 1909, p. 496). The top of the paddle ends in a dowell, which fits 
into a short cross-piece, four finger-widths long. The hole which receives this 
dowell is made rectangular, and the cross-piece is carefully fitted on the shaft (Boas, 
1909, p. 498). This cross-piece is sometimes made of alder (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 179). 

Staining — The paddle is carefully smoothed and polished, and blackened by 
charring (Swan, p. 38). According to Boas, the KwakiutI greased the implement 



1920] Makah Indians 27 

with perch-oil, and blackened it by burning with piece of pitch wood (Boas, 1909, 
p. 498). This black color never comes off. 

Additional notes on the paddle 

The paddle, kla-tah-juk in Swan's orthography (1870, p. 95), hlatawachuk 
in Curtis (Vol. 11, p. 179) is a very well-designed implement. The proper length 
for a paddle is the distance from tlie owner's chin to the ground. The paddles used 
in hunting had more slender and delicate blades than those used in paddling the 
freight canoe. 

My informant describes a somewhat different method of blackening the paddle 
from that referred to on the preceding page. There are certain growths on hemlock 
bark which supply a rich coloring matter. These growths are spoken of as "blisters" 
and are due to the growth of a fungus. These blisters, tc'i'twbu, are cut out and 
dried. In making a paint or "stain" they are pounded up and mixed with urine 
and boiled over the fire. The mixture is used exactly as we use a commercial stain 
for woodwork. The paddle is painted a solid color. When stained the paddle is 
held in the smoke until it becomes a glossy black. In this respect Makah paddles 
differ from the paddles of the north coast, which are painted with striking totemic 
designs, in red and black. 

The middle part of the shaft is not stained, because it is later wrapped evenly 
with kelp-stem. This material is used for fish-lines, and is very tough. This 
wrapping of kelp gives a very satisfactory hand-hold. 

THE CANOE-BAILER 

An important article in the Makah canoe is the wooden bailer, xutcA'k. Several 
types of bailers are in use on the Northwest Coast, some of them quite ingenious. 
Boas figures several wooden specimens, of the general appearance of dippers or 
scoops, and one made of cedar-bark (Boas, 1909, p. 446). The Makah use only one 
type, and this is a type which, as far as I know, has not been described. Its 
general appearance is shown in Fig. 10, a. The use for which it is intended would 
hardly be suspected from its appearance, in the first sketch. It is pyramidal in 
shape, Iiollowed from a single block of maple or alder, qwAxsa'bAp. Cedar is too 
soft for the purpose for which the object is intended; it would wear out very quickly. 
The ends of the utensil are somewhat concave when viewed from the outside, and 
concavity deepens into a crease at the apex of the bailer. Two holes are bored 
transversely (Fig. 10, 6) through the sides of this channel, and a cedar peg driven 
through. This peg serves to fasten a loop or hoop made of two cedar twigs twined 
together and bound with string of nettle fiber. The loop forms a convenient handle 
by which the utensil may be carried. The Indian often puts the handle of his 
paddle through this loop, or may carry several bailers at once, strung on the shaft 
of his paddle. The loop also serves as handle by which the bailer is clutched in 
scooping the water out of a boat (Fig. 10. c). The fact that the loop is seated 



28 



n'aieriiian 



[Vol. 1 






tstjsiSIS'S^' -sss^s-ssiK-ss-sjittrfis si 



1920] Makah Indians 29 

in the bottom of the crease prevents it from being worn in two through scraping the 
sides and bottom of the boat. 

A more effective utensil than this bailer could scarcely be devised. A person 
can with one scoop of this instrument throw over a much larger amount of water 
than the utensil itself contains ; for it fits closely against the curve of the boat, and 
a quantity of water is "pushed ahead" of it. A boat can be cleared in half the 
time that would be occupied in bailing with a can or a tin kettle. The instrument 
is cleverly designed ; and in this simple utensil one observes the same merging of 
lines, and the same effect of compactness and unity, that can be noticed in the 
forty-foot canoe. The bailer is colored a smooth, deep red, inside and out, by the 
use of "hemlock" paint, as described above. The use of this type of bailer seems 
to be characteristic of the Makah. 

THE WHALING HARPOOX AND ITS ACCESSORY DEVICES 

The complete harpooning apparatus consists of the harpoon-shaft; the harpoon 
head (itself made up of numerous parts); a lanyard; floats; various sections of 
harpoon line, to which the floats are attached ; and lines for towing tlie quarry home. 

THE HARPOON-SHAFT 

Information contained in previous accounts 

The harpoon-shaft is composed of two carefully selected pieces of yew, scarfed 
together at the middle of the instrument. The end of each section is cut diagonally, 
and the two sloping surfaces are matched, fitted together, and bound with braided 
cord of cedar-bark fiber. The reason for using two pieces of yew was not known 
to Edward Curtis, nor to Swan. The underlying cause may be that it is difficult to 
find one clear piece of the proper length, this length varying from fourteen to 
eighteen feet in different weapons (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 16; Swan, p. 20). 

The shaft tapers to a point at each end. 

Additional notes on the harpoon-shaft 

Very particular care is taken with the manufacture of the harpoon-shaft, 
dupu' yeq (du-poi-ak, in Swan's orthography. 1870, p. 21). Its dimensions vary 
according to circumstances. Swan gives the length as 18 feet. A Makah specimen 
examined by myself (University of Washington State Museum, catalogue number 
213) measured only 13 feet fi inches. The University of Washington specimen con- 
sists, as is invariably the case, of two independent sections, neatly scarfed together 
in the middle. My informant was sure that there is a practical reason for making 
the shaft in two parts; though he could not remember what the reason was. This 
scarf (tsA't-as; cf. tsAtsA't'evax ^^ points where fore shafts, etc., detach) begins 
five feet from the head of the shaft. The two oblique surfaces which make the joint, 
are exquisitely smoothed, and fitted. Each surface is about nine inches long. A 
white man would hardly attempt to make this joint "hold," but tlie Indian wraps 
it very carefully with braided cedar-bark (tsi.i'sy), and the whole is rigid when 
done. On the University of Washington specimen the scarf had begun to loosen 



30 



Waternian 



[Vol. 1 



from age or the drying out of the wood. Cedar-bark string is used because it does 
not loosen when wet, as sinew or seal-gut would do. The string is braided instead 
of twisted, so that it will be flat on the shaft, and take better hold. On top of this 
braided sling is a wrapping of wild-cherry bark. This serving of bark around the 
scarf gives an excellent hold for the left hand of the harpooner. 

At another point the shaft is wrapped for about nine inches, to afford a "grip" 
to the harjiooner's right hand. This wrapping also consists of braided cedar-bark, 
covered with a spiral wrapping of cherry-bark. The two "hand-grips" are separated 
by a space of 27 inches. 

The tip of the harpoon is channeled out along one side (see Fig. 11). The 
sinew lanyard which leads back from the harpoon head to the float just iits into 
this groove. 




Fig. 11 — Tip of harpnon shaft, showing the groove into which flts the lanyard leading back from the harpoon- 
bead. University of Washington, Catalog Number 213. Length of groove, 12 inches (31 cm). 

The harpoon-shaft becomes warped very easily and has to be very carefully 
straightened before each hunt. 

The Indian straightens an 18-foot harpoon-shaft exactly as lie does a 28-inch 
arrow-shaft, by Iieating it and carefully wrenching it back to "true." He wraps 
the shaft with big-leaved kelp, and holds it over the tire. When warm and steaming 
and thoroughly heated through, he straightens it over his knee. 

The Indian usually tries to get for his harpoon-shaft a piece of material that 
will carry with it "good luck" in whale-hunting. The material itself is yew, 
tL'ixa'ktLbAp (tL'i'xuk^red ; u'bAp^kind, species), and is carefully selected. 
Swan gives an account of a pillar-like rock with a cavity near its top which stands 
in the sea near Cape Flattery. In this cavity there rested in his day a great spar. 
The Indians, according to Swan, looked upon this spar with veneration, and believed 
that anybody attempting to dislodge it would fall off the crag and be drowned. A 
photograph of this rock is shown in Plate 3. The spar, by the time the photograph 
was taken, had decayed and fallen to pieces. My informant says that many an 
Indian tried in former years to get this spar for a harpoon-shaft, believing that its 
unusual situation indicated that there was "power" in it. No one was willing to 
ask for help in reaching it, because secrecy, as mentioned above, was an essential 
feature in all preparations for whaling, and so the spar stayed there till it rotted. 



THE HARPOON-HE.1D 

Inforviation contained in previous accounts 

The harpoon-head is made up of several elements cunningly joined together. 
The foundation consists of a pair of pointed barbs, made of elk-antler or bone, 
which fit neatly together (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 16; Swan, pp. 19, 39). The end of 
the whale-sinew lanyard is attached by unlaying the strands and making them fast 
around the barbs ; and then winding the whole with cord and strips of cherry-bark. 



1920] Makah Indians 31 

A socket is fashioned in the reai- ot the head, into which the point of the wooden 
harpoon-shaft exactly fits. The blade, or cutting edge, was formerly made of a 
large mussel-shell (Curtis, Vol. 9, p. 66), but in recent years of copper, or steel 
saw-blade (Swan, pp. 19, 39). This blade, whatever the material, is cut into the 
shape shown in Fig. 12, and inserted between two barbs, the ends of which are 
cut away to accommodate it. A "fat" knot of spruce is set in front of a fire, and 
the gum which melts out is caught in a shell. This gum is kneaded and spread 
smoothly over the harpoon-head. [Boas, 1909, p. i88, says "the point of the salmon 
spear is gummed over to make it smooth and prevent it from tearing the fish". The 
spreading of gum over the harpoon-head maj- in similar fashion tend to make it 
smooth, so that it may cut its way deeper when the quarry is struck.] 

Additional notes on the harpoon-head. 

The finished harpoon-head is a very neat and tidy union of a number of sep- 
arate elements. The word for the device, considered as a finished product is 
qwi"kapL (<kwi'ktcu=to sharpen by grinding). Swan (1870, pp. 20, 21) gives 
kwe-kaptl, kwe-kwahptl. The hariMon-head most familiar to students who frequent 
museums is the Eskimo type, carved from a block of ivory, provided with barbs, 
a crack or socket for the reception of the cutting blade, and a perforation for the 
attachment of the harpoon-line, all in one piece. The most striking peculiarity of 
the Makah specimens is that they consist of two separate halves of antler or bone, 
cunningly joined by binding with string. The reason for the difference is, I pre- 
sume, that the Eskimo harpoon has in the first place a smaller head, and in the se- 
cond place walrus ivory is available from which the head may be wrought. The 
Makah have no ivory, and the pieces of bone or antler which they employ are not 
large enough to permit the carving out of a solid head. They are in a sense compelled 
to piece their device together in two sections. The harpoon-heads of this whole 
region, even to the salmon gigs, are made on this same plan, by binding two ele- 
ments together. Such porpoise and salmon harpoons are described by Boas (1909, 
pp. 489-495, figures 156, 157). The porpoise harpoon which Professor Boas 
figures however, has riveting in place of lashings to hold the two segments of the 
head together. 

The method of assembling the parts of the whaling head is shown in a gen- 
eral way in Swan's work, especially in his figure 4. The details may be seen in the 
drawings appended herewith (figure 12; .and also Plate 8, c and rf.) The separate 
parts of the head are shown in drawings a and b, figure 12, with the complete head 
below. 

I am not certain about the jnirpose of the external wrappings of cherry-bark 
found in this device, and the coating of spruce gum. The gum may be primarily 
for the purpose of glossing over the string wrappings, and making the head smooth. 
This is indicated by Boas' account (1909, p 488). Smoothness would decrease the 
resistance, as the head is driven into the quarry, and enable the huntsman to plant 
the weapon much more deeply. It was very important to wound the animal as 
severely as possible at the first thrust, for this made the consequent fight much 



32 Waterman [Vol. 1 

shorter. With luck a harpooner could at the first blow drive his weapon into the 
huge bulk of the whale clear to the lungs. The intention in applying the wrap- 
pings and the gum may also have been to exclude the water. The lines on shiji- 
board which are subject to immersion, are carefully wrapped with canvas and 
covered with pitch ("parcelled, served and pitched"). This makes them last five 
times as long. In the present case, excluding the water was even more important, 
because sinew lashings become loosened and "give" when wet. The cherry-bark 
lashings are very smooth and glossy, and inasmuch as several feet, or several yards 
of the lanyard follow the head into the tissues of the animal, the lessening of fric- 
tion is undoubtedly important. 

A word about mussel-shell harpoon blades may not be out of place. When the 
fact is recalled that the entire central part of the blade was cut out, to enable it to 
fit over the lashings of the head, it seems that the mussel-shell blade must have 
proven a very weak and fragile thing. The material of the shell itself is, of course, 
extremely brittle. After the blade was firmly gummed in place, the gum was cleaned 
away from the edges, and these were thoroughly sharpened. Brittle material often 
shows astonishing penetrating powers, when driven with a sharp impact. Flint, for 
example, makes a very effective tip for arrows. Dr. Saxton Pope, at the University 
of California, found by experiment that the obsidian-tipped arrow would pene- 
trate further into animal tissue than a steel-tipped arrow would. The reason he 
ascribes for this fact is that the flint head, being serrated, cuts a way and clears 
an opening for the shaft, better than the thin steel blade does. I dare say the 
mussel-shell harpoon blade inflicted a deeper wound on the whole than the more 
modern steel blade which has replaced it. even though the shell blade may often 
have been shattered in the process. The shattering in such material does not come 
until after the imjiact is completed, and the wound inflicted. In other words the 
inflicting of the wound is almost instantaneous, while the shattering of the head, if 
it does shatter requires an instant or two of time. This accounts for the fact that 
a delicate fiint-arrow-point can be driven into a thick buffalo skull, or vertebra, as 
set forth bv Wilson". It must be remembered that the blade of the harpoon has 
no part in holding tlie animal. This is entirely tlie function of the bone barbs. The 
sinew lanyard is most painstakingly attached to these devices of bone, for any fail- 
ure in the coherence of these elements means the loss of the quarry. The coating 
of spruce gtnii, on the other hand, is all that holds the blade in its place. The blade 
is thus attached with only sufficient firmness to make certain that it will not come 
loose as the harpoon is brandished. It will, of course, stand shocks of all degrees, 
as long as they are directed from the front, until it flies to pieces from impact. 

The harpoon head is kept in a sheath made of a rectangular piece of cedar bark. 
This is folded over across its middle. The ends are frayed out for several inches, 
and fine shreds of cedar-bark are worked across in plain twining (called tc'iba'tyu. 
cf. tci'bat,=canoe-mat). Several harpoon heads are taken along on each trip, each 
one enclosed in a separate sheath. The collection of heads is kept in a special 

"1901, pp. .=)13-531 Moorolioml, in his ■Stuni. Ai;.- in NcHli At 
quotes Wilson's paper at somo lengtli, and ivprcKluc's {\\u plintti;; 
hisoii. with delicatf flint points flrivoii into tlu'in. 



1920] 



Makah Indii 



33 



basket, called ha'^iL (Plate 5). This bag or basket is of checkerwork, and has 
a flaring top. The basket in which ordinary fishing tackle is kept, is made in the 
same weave, but is rectangular in shape, without the flaring upper portion. 

/ 

3 • 4 ____ r:5^/0 






12 15 



Fig. 12 — Diagram showing the assembling of the parts of the whaling harpoon-liead : 
b, the cutting edge uf mnssel-shell or metal ; r, the bone hafts or barbs. 



the complete head ; 



Element 
Barbs (a, 1, 2) 
Blade (6) 
Lanyard (c, 18) 
Cherry-bark {c,21) 
Spruce gum 



N0MENCL.\TUBE 

Sxcan 
tsa-kwat (p. 21) 
kut-so-wit 
kluks-ko 



Present Informant 
ts'a'kwAt (= antler) 



Lu'ksku 

tLexa'paL 

I.Ak'il'tubc 



34 Waterman [Vol. 1 

METHOD OF ASSEMBLING PARTS 

The haftB (1 and 2) are brought together along the line 6-7. A wide groove, 3-4, eirtending around these 
hafts, serves to hold in place a wrapping of sinew strands. These strands are derived from the sinew lan- 
yard, the end of which is "uniayed" and the separate elements fitted over the hafts. These strands are first 
wound around the pair of hafts as around a spool. Then a turn is taken in the transverse direction between 
the t\vo hafts, forming what a seaman would call a "seizing"'. A socket, 5-6, between the forward ends of the 
barbs, is for the reception of the blade, h. From the points indicated by the numbers 7 and S, the hafts are 
caused to diverge. A groove or channel, 9. in one of these hafts, when imited with a similar channel in the 
opposite barb, forms a hole or socket for the reception of the pointed tip of the yew harpoon-shaft. The rear 
projection of the hafts (10, 11) acts as barbs, to prevent the head from being piUled out of the animal. 

Great care is taken with the disposition of the ends of the lanyard, over the harpoon-head. At least one 
heavy strand Is brought through the socket at the point indicated by the number 6 (see also Plate 8), and is 
worked in an ingenious fashion under the other wrappings. This makes it certain that the lanyard can by no 
chance pull away from the barbs. When the strands are disposed over the head to the satisfaction of the 
artificer, the whole head is wmmd with strips of wildcherry bark (numbered 21 in the diagraml. 

At this time the blade. 6, is inserte<l in the proper socket (5-6). The edge 15-16 fits over the lashings of 
the head. The edge nmnbered 14-15 rests against the turn of sinew cord which passes over the point 6. A 
thin wedge of wood is driven between the surface of the blade and the front tip of the hafting (13, Fig a or c). 
The blade is then fastened more secfirely in place with spruce-gum. A solid coating of the gum is then ap- 
plied over the whole head, making it very smooth. The gum is scraped away from the edges of the blade, 
which are very painstakingly sharpened. The surface of this spruce-gum coating is as smooth and glossy as 
varnisli. 

The front end of the lanyard, near the harpoon-head, is served with nettle-fiber string (c, 19). Beginning 
at the point 18, the nettle-string wrapping is replaced by a continuous wrapping or "parceling" of wild-cherry 
bark, which covers its entire length. In some specimens, however, the serving of nettle-flber string goes the 
entire length of the lanyard. 

THE WHALING LANYARD 

Notes on the lanyard contained in previous accounts 

The lanyard is a strong rope of whale sinew, an inch or more in diameter, very 
carefully and smoothly laid, served with string made of nettle fiber, and covered 
with a continuous spiral wrapping of strips of wild-cherry bark or nettle-fiber string. 
The free end is worked very neatly into a loop (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 16; Swan, pp. 
19, 20, 39). 

The Vancouver Island tribes make such lanyards of sea-lion gut, split, cleaned, 
and dried, and rolled into a hard round cord. These cords are wrapped spirally 
with string made of nettle-fiber (Curtis, Vol. 9, p. 5-i). 

BUOYS OR FLOATS 

Features of the buoy or sealskin float described by other writers 
Buoys made of sealskin are attached to the harpoon line. They have the pur- 
pose of retarding the whale, and of making the carcass float after the animal's 
death. Such a float consists of the skin of a hair-seal, turned with the hair inward, 
made water-tight, and inflated (Curtis, Vol. 11, pp. 31, 33, 35; Swan, p. 20). The 
valve for inflatation (according to one author) is at the left flipper (Curtis, Vol. 11, 
p. 33). These floats are painted in various simple patters with red ochre 
(Swan p. 30). 

The male hair-seal supply the strongest buoys. The skins can be obtained at 
anv season of the year, and are equally good at all times. The hide or pelt, 
tuqwA'k, is stripped from the animal with as little cutting as possible. The head 
and front flippers are cut away and the body encircled about halfway down its 
length. The skin from the front half of the animal is then "peeled off" in a for- 
ward direction, turning the hide inside out. This skin is then carefully scraped 
to get the "grease" off. Well scraped skins last better and are more pliable. 
After the scraping, the skin is usually smoked, which turns it a soft brown in 
color. The heles left by removing the head and flippers of the animal are stopped 
up in the following way (see figure 13): A plug or spool of wood is inserted in 
the orifice, and the loose hide carefully "gathered" around it, as smoothly as 



1920] 



Makah Indians 



35 




Pio. 13 — The float or buoj- : a, the complete float with its attachments ; 
and plug for inflation. Diameter at widest part, 17 inelies (43 cm). 



&, detail drawing showing the nipple 



NOMENCLATURE 

Lower figure 
a. Buoy, tukwa'kap 'iL (= . . . . outside). 

1. Folds of hide, hihtqsAqso, bunched or gathered around a wooden spool. 

2. Wooden spool, atctska'pub (<atct'L = something put between other things: 

"filler"). 

3. Wrapping of gut string, which binds the folds of hide to the spool. 

4. Yew-wood peg or skewer, kndi/tcskapub (= holding something in place). This 

prevents the wrapping of gut string from slipping over the spool. 

5. Rope of spruce-root, or cedar-fiber. 

6. Lashing or serving of sinew string, batLska'pub, attaching the buoy-rope to 

the buoy. 

7. Nipple, or perforated spool, by which the buoy is inflated. 

8. Plug or stopper, hukska'pub (<hi'kstcu = to screw in: this stopper fits the 

opening very tightly, to prevent the buoy from becoming deflated). 

Upper figure 

7. Nipple. 

8. Stopper. 

9. Folds of hide. 

10. Wrappiing of gut string, which fastens the hide to the spool. 



36 Waterman [Vol. 1 

possible. These folds are then fastened down to the spool by winding with gut 
string. A peg or skewer is then thrust transversely through the folds of hide, to 
prevent this wrapping from slipping over the spool. The plug at one of the 
front flippers is perforated down its axis. This opening serves for the inflation 
of the float. When filled with air, the hole is stoppered with a small wooden 
plug or "cork" of yew wood. Accidental leaks in the buoy, such as those made 
by the hunter in killing the animal, are stopped by plugging with a piece of rope. 
Such a mend or patch is called q'a'tstcu (q'a'tscttL,:^o make a difficult patch, or 
repair). A cedar or spruce-root line is attached ito the buo}^, being strongly lashed 
at either end to it with sinew. The free ends of this rope serve to attach the buoy 
to the whaling line. As is usual with Makah lines, the ends are reduced in size, 
tapering down at their tips. This makes the line easier to tie, but must apparently 
reduce its strength. These buoys are kept in a flattened condition. Before be- 
ing used, they are soaked in water, and inflated. This work is done when on the 
whaling grounds (see below). 

The principal features of the ornamentation of seal-skin buoys can be seen 
in the figure. The areas where the head and flippers once were are colored solid 
with red ochre, Lixtcc'hibis, mixed with rotten salmon roe, a'tepab. These areas 
are surrounded with several concentric circles. In addition to these simple orna- 
mented areas, figures are sometimes added to represent the thunder-bird, LukLu'tc, 
or the "lightning animal, "xexe'tu'k; the latter a creature having the shape of a 
snake, striped transversely with black and white, who travels through the air. 
These designs are not totemic, but are intended in some mysterious way to make 
the buoy more deadly to the whale. 

The pursuit of the hair-seal whose hides supplied the buoys was itself an oc- 
cupation not devoid of excitement. The two pronged harpoon used for this purpose, 
and for porpoise hunting, and the method of handling the canoe, are described in 
detail by Boas (1909, pp. 488-4.9.'5 ; .500-50 !•, 506) and need not be gone into here. 
The Makah used also to waylay the seal at their "haul-up" places. They could 
sometimes kill a seal at 75 feet, by hurling the harpoon, though they usually cast 
at a distance of 30 feet. Sometimes a big bull when harpooned would show fight, 
and threaten to tear a canoe to pieces. In that case, they bent a buoy onto the har- 
poon line and let it go, picking the quarry up after he had died of his wounds. 
They usually carried one or more buoys in a canoe for this purpose and to use as 
life-preservers in case of a capsize. 

Swan (p. SO.) tells of deep caverns in tlie cliffs, in which the seals congregate. 
He says briefly that the Indians go in with a torch and kill numbers by clubbing 
them. The actual procedure has some picturesque features. There are ten or 
more of these caverns in the vicinity of Cape Flattery, including some on Tatoosh 
Island, and certain of them are of enormous dimensions, extending into the bowels 
of the Cape for some hundreds of yards. A cliff containing several of these caves 
may be seen in Plate 30. The hunter tied his hair (which was formerly worn long) 
in a knot on the top of his head. This knot was firmly wrapped with sinew, and a 
skewer run through to keep the wrapping from slipping off. Into this knot of hair 



1920] Makah Indians 37 

long splints of spruce pitch-wood (duqwi'ets) were thrust, so that they stood up 
vertically. Tile best pitch-wood was selected for this purpose, dried, and split 
into fine pieces. These "lights" or splints were two feet long. When this appar- 
atus was securely in place on his head, the hunter took his sealing club, lighted the 
splints at the top, lowered himself into the sea, and swam into the cave. The light 
of tlu- burning splints blinded and stupified the seals, and enabled tiie hunter to 
club them easily. When he had killed five or six, he tied them together, took tlu' 
ends of the thong in his teeth, and towing his kill behind him, swam out again, 

A number of years ago a hunter went with a companion to certain sea cave 
which has a very small opening, a sort of oblique slit, very narrow and difficult 
to get through. When he was well inside, the surf put his light out, leaving him 
in ink}' blackness. There was a tremendous and incessant swishing of waves in the 
darkness on every side, and the hunter, becoming confused, had no means of knowing 
which way the entrance lay. The companion in the canoe outside the cave foolishly 
idled most of the afternoon, waiting for the hunter to appear. Then he was driven 
away by a sudden squall. The next day it was calm again, and a rescue party went 
to the cave. A volunteer put on his head the usual outfit of splints, swam far into 
the depths of the cavern, and there found our hero sitting placidly on a shelf of 
rock. When his light went out, he "hauled up" like a seal, and with true Indian 
patience, sat there without light, fire, raiment or food, until help came. 

LINES AND ROPES 

Boas o-ives a complete account of the manufacture of the various kinds of 
ropes and lines (1909, pp. .S69-382), including the gathering and preparation of 
fibres. The manufacture of lines is also referred to by Curtis, (Vol. 9, p. 1 tC ; 
Vol. 11. p. 16) and Swan (]). "21). It may be well to merely enumerate the prin- 
ciple varieties. The stem of the kclji is dried and used for fish-lines. String of 
nettle fibre is sometimes used for the same ))urpose. The harpoon lanyard is 
manufactured from whale sinew, wound or served witli nettle-fibre string, and 
covered with a wrapping of cherry-bark. These lanyards are beautiful examiilcs 
of workmanship. Fine lines, which are. however, very strong, are made from 
sea-lion intestine (called tskikyu'p by the Makah). which is split and rolled into 
a strincr. These lines are used just as they are for many purposes, for example, 
for bow strings and for the halyards of the canoe sail. Ropes consisting of a 
number of strands of this material are sometimes manufactured. Bear-guts are 
sometimes used in a similar way Curtis mentions a rope of gut. twisted spirally 
with nettle-fibre string, as being made on Vancouver Island. Lines are made of 
seal-skin and elk-hide. The hide is cut s|)irally in :\ long narrow stri]). and this 
strip rolled or twisted into a thong. Such thongs can be used as they are. or 
twisted or jilaited into heavier lines. Bark fibres are sointinus made into ropes. 
The heavy lines, such as are used in whaling tackle, consist either of spruce-root 
fibres, or slender cedar withes. Very long cedar twigs somewhat tliicker than a 
peiieil are ent from the tree, being very eartfully selected. The bark is removed. 



38 Waterman [Vol. 1 

and by heating, twisting and working, the fibres are separated until the twig is 
practically as soft and pliable as rope. These withes are then ready for use, 
for example, in fastening the thwarts in a canoe as described above (page 21). In 
this condition, they are stronger than hemp rope, and five times as durable. 
They were also woven into excellent large ropes, which were very smoothly and 
evenly laid in three strands. These various kinds of lines are used in differ- 
ent ways in the whaling tackle, largely depending upon the supply of each that 
is available. Towing us usually done with elk-hide ropes, but if lots of line is 
needed, cedar is used to piece out. 

THE WHALE HUNT 

The hunting of the whale has for the white observer two distinct aspects. 
From our point of view the matter of greatest concern would be the arrange- 
ment of the tackle within the boat, and the methods of approaching and striking 
the quarrj% From the Indian standpoint, however, the reall)' important matter 
is the proper observance before and during the hunt of various cermonial per- 
formances for procuring help from the spirits. The Indians, to be sure, see with 
the very greatest care to all practical matters connected with whaling expeditions, 
but they seem to look upon the religious performances as much more essential to 
success. Secrecy in the religious preparations is verr commonly observed. Curtis 
in his volume on the Nootka gives a great deal of information about whale hunt- 
ing. Quite an elaborate account of a whaling expedition, an account which describes 
both the ceremonialism and the operations of killing and disposing of the quarry, 
will be found iri the same volume, pp. 19-34. This passage is the story of a 
Nootka hero Umik and his successor. Swan gives some information, very briefly. 
We may discuss first the ceremonies, the outstanding features of which may be 
summarized as follows. 

Religions observances connected with xchate-htinting as described bij other mithors. 

Help from the spirits. Possession of a "medicine," or power of a spiritual 
nature, is necessary before a man can sucessfully captain a whaling canoe (Curtis. 
Vol. 9, p. 9; Vol. 11, p. 16). 

Bathing. This is a most necessary part of the preparation for a hunt. The 
seeker after "power" goes early every morning to a freshwater lake or pond. En- 
tering the water at dawn, he sits down until the skin is "soaked" well. Then he 
stands up and rubs himself with bunches of hemlock twigs, about one span in length, 
beginning the operation on the left side of his body. When the needles are worn 
off of one bunch, and the bare twigs covered with blood, he wades ashore, takes 
a second bunch, and rubs his right side. He continues this until the four bunches 
with which he has provided himself are all used up, (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 20). 

Imitating the xvhale. After rubbing, the candidate dives down, staying under 
as long as possible. Mention is made of blood bursting from a bather's ears from long 
submergence. He does this four times, and on emerging each time, he blows a 
mouthful of water toward the center of the lake, trying to make a sound resembling 
the blowing of the whale (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 20). 



1920] Makah Indians 39 

His movements are always quiet, and slow; "so that the wliale will act in' the 
same way" (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 25). [Tlie point is that otherwise the whale, when 
struck, may thresh about and knock the canoe to fragments, or may set off at high 
speed and tow the party twenty miles to sea.] 

When a whaler's wife is helping him at Iiis devotions, she sometimes holds the 
end of a rope which is tied about his waist [representing the harpoon line.] In this 
condition he sings whaling songs, and walks around her, with the slow undulating 
movements of the whale, the woman repeating over and over again, "This is the, 
way the whale will act!" (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 38). 

Mention is made by Curtis of a performance by a whaler, in which he stands 
erect in a pond, shaking a rattle, and holding his left hand out with the thumb stick- 
ing up "like the fin of a whale" (Vol. 1 1 , p. 37). 

Prayers. Whalers pray at night in whispers for success. Mention is made 
of "Four Chiefs/' to whom they pray (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 28). They are also 
reported to beg the sun for success. [The present writer's informant insists that 
they direct their prayers to Daylight, tL'isi'xaq, not to the sun ; the word for sun 
being tl.'isi'xa'pi.L]. They also pray directly to the whales, both in the prepara- 
tion-period, and after the animal is struck by the harpoon. The following praj'er 
of a Clayquot bather deserves to be quoted at length. It is given in Curtis' volume 
on the Nootka (Vol. 11, p. 37). 

"Whale, I want you to come near me, so that I will get hold of your heart 
and deceive it, so that I will have strong legs and not be trembling and excited 
when the whale comes and I spear him. Whale, you must not run out to sea when 
I spear you. Whale if I spear you, I want my spear to strike your heart. Har- 
poon, when I use you, I want you to go to the heart of the whale. Whale, when I 
spear at you and miss you, I want you to take hold of my spear with your hands. 
Whale, do not break my canoe, for I am going to do good to you. I am going to 
put eagle-down and cedar bark in your back." 

After the whale is struck, songs are sung to make him "come along" easily. 
"When the whale is weak and going ashore, he likes to hear the whaler sing," 
(Curtis. Vol. 11, p. 37). These songs themselves are in the nature of prayers. 
The following is an example: "It is good for you to go quickly toward the shore, 
so that the young men may see you quicklj', for they all wish to see you." (Nootka 
song, Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 32). Series consisting of one hundred "towing songs" are 
mentioned. 

The followinc prayer is utteered, according to Curtis, after a whale is har- 
pooned: "Whale, I have given you what you wish to get — my good harjjoon. And 
now you have it. Please hold it with your strong hands. Do not let go. Whale, 
turn toward the fine beach of Yahksis, and you will be proud to see the young men 
come down on the fine sandy beach of my village at Yahksis to see you ; and the 
young men will say to one another: 'What a great whale he is! What a fat w-hale 
he is ! WHiat a strong whale he is !' And you, whale, will be proud of all that vou 
will hear them say of your greatness. Whale, do not turn outward, but hug the 
shore, and tow mc to the beach of my village of Yahksis. for when you come ashore 
there, young men will cover your great body with bluebill duck feathers, and with 
the down of the great eagle, the chief of all birds ; for this is what vou are wish- 
ing, and this is what you are trying to find from one end of the world to the other, 
every daj' you are traveling and spouting." (Vol. 11, p. 23). 

Use of Skeletons and Corpses. All sources of information mention a curious 
practice of using skeletons, or skulls, or corpses, during the ceremonial bathing. 
One of Curtis' Quilliutc whalers used to take a skull from a burial |)lacc. tic it on 



40 V.'atcrinaii [Vol. 1 

a rope about his waist, .and tlien swim about, "sounding" and "blowing" like a 
whale. That was why he was successful, taking over forty whales in all, (V^ol. 9, p. 
147). In some cases skeletons from grave boxes are "joined up" and suspended 
somewhere in the woods. Prayers are directed to them, and the}' are carried on the 
whaler's back as he bathes. The arms of the skeleton are tied together behind its 
head, and the whaler puts his head through the arms, getting the cadaver on his back 
(Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 2,5). Then he swims about in the pond, diving and spouting. 

In former times, fresh corpses were used in this way (Curtis, Vol. 11, pp. 103- 
1 10). The body must be that of a male, dead not more than four days. Occasionally 
a small boy could be killed for the purpose. Sometimes the corpse was skinned, 
by cutting along the front of the body and the inside of the hips, the whaler diving 
with the skin tied on his own body (Curtis, Vol, 11, p. 39). When a corpse was 
used, the lower part of the legs and the forearms were cut off. A pad of rose- 
bushes and nettles was put on the whaler's back, and the body was placed upon that 
pad, the back of the corpse against the whaler's back. One time a man put a 
corpse on his back in preparation for bathing, face forward, and it took a death grip 
on his throat, and killed liim. When visiting a grave-box to get a dead body, the 
whaler walked with an undulating movement (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 39). 

Taboos. Whalers arc very careful in observing taboo in connection with 
women. It is best to avoid any kind of contact or association with women, for 
some of them might be ceremonially unclean (Curtis, Vol, 11, p. 23). The whaler's 
wife helps him with his vigils, but the two sleep in separate places, and avoid all 
mention or thought of sex matters (Curtis, Vol, 11, p, 31), The woman bathes, as 
does her husband, spouting like a whale, sometimes with a skeleton on her back. 
At the time M'hen the whaler embarks for the Inmt, the woman lies down with a new 
mat over her, and does not move, or eat, or drink, until her husband returns (Curtis, 
Vol. 11, p. 35). The whaler himself never eats whale meat, lest he h.ive difficulty 
in killing more whales (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 18). 

Ceremonial Dress. The whaler and his wife wear a head dress of split 
feathers and ornaments resembling thee "saddle" of the whale (Curtis, Vol. 11. 
pp. 38, 39. These head-feathers and some other decorations are shown in Curtis' 
photographs, Vol. 11, pp. 20, 22, 28, Folio, Plate 382, 395). When putting to sea 
in charge of his boat, the whaler wears hemlock twigs on his forehead, and a bear- 
skin robe (Curtis, Vol. 11, pp. 9, 30). Whalers tie their hair in a sort of knot or 
club at the back of the head (Swan, p. 17). 

Astronomical considerations connected icith whale-luinting. \Vhalers observe 
the phases of the moon in connection with their preparatory observances. All 
through the winter they bathe when the moon is waxing (Curtis, Vol. 9. p. 115). 
They start on their expedition when they see the first new moon "in the month of 
Mav" (Curtis, Vol. 11. p. ll). In connection with the feasts accompanying a suc- 
cessful hunt, mention is made of gull feathers being stuck into the "saddle"' or 
"hump " of the whale, to rei)resent the moon, in the phase it presents at the mo- 
ment f Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 10). The supernatural power usually comes to a man 
"with the changing year." [That is, the winter solstice: direct observation by 
sighting past a tree or a boulder is relied upon for ascertaining the occurrence of 
this phenomenom (Curtis. Vol. 9, p. 115)]. 

Dreams. Dreams play a part in the whaler's life. According to my inform- 
ant, a man in bathing often scrubs himself with some plant about which lie Iiad 
dreamed; seaweed, for example. As mentioned by Curtis (Vol. 9, p. 115) the 
whalers wait for a vision of getting a whale, and then start on their ex])edition. 



1920] Makah Indians 41 

ARRANGEJIEXT OF EQUIPMENT FOB WHALING. 

Curtis in volume 11, p. 17 of his work, gives a brief description of wlialing 
methods I have been able to find no complete account of the actual pursuit of the 
whale, so the matter may perhaps be gone into here. The stowing of the complicated 
equipment in the canoe involves a very high technique. We may consider this mat- 
ter first. ^lention has alreadj^ been made of the "spaces" into which the canoe is 
divided by the thwarts. These spaces are apportioned for the different operations 
of the hunt. They are indicated in the accompanying diagram (Figure 1-i). 

The most important man in the whaling canoe is the harpooner. He is the 
leader of the party, and captains the expedition. His native title is y'u'tax, hunter 
or searcher. His position is in the bow of the boat, where he takes his stand with 
his weapon. The harpoon itself is sixteen feet long, and carries on its point the 
bone-barbed harpoon-head, which is edged with mussel shell (see page 32 above 
for a description of the weapon). To the harpoon is attached about four fathoms 
of lough sinew rope, with a noose at the end. The space at the bow where the 
hunter stands is kept clear of everything so that the chief performer shall not be 
hampered in handling his weapon. Things "happen" very quickly when the whale 
is struck, and any confusion of the tackle, or a momentarj' fouling, may mean the 
loss of the whale, or the capsizing of the boat. The man in the next adjoining 
space abaft the hunter's position, on the port side, has as his single duty the prompt 
"bending on" of a buoy together with eight or ten fathoms of heavy cedar rope. All 
of this tackle is tied bj' means of a reef-knot (t'a'biqcL) to a loop at the end of 
a sinew leader. As the whale goes down, after being struck, one section of lina 
after another is bent to the first one. Sealskin floats, qwtso':tAs(c cf.qwiso'tL .= 
bladder), also are attached by special knots, at intervals of two fathoms. The whale 
is always harpooned from the right hand or port side of the boat, and it is the duty 
of the men seated along this side to help clear this tackle and get it overboard. No 
"ties" or knots are made between different sections of the gear, until each new sec- 
tion is safely over the side and clear of the boat. The whale takes the line out 
very rapidly at first, and if the tackle were joined up in the boat, any delay in get- 
ting it over the side would cause the boat to be jerked under water, or would cause 
a capsize. In addition to the harpoon and its complete outfit of floats and lines, 
the boat carries a sort of bone-pointed lance (butu'ysk) some four or five feet long, 
for use in dispatching the whale at close quarters, bailers (xutcA'k), wooden boxes 
(tcA'xsyb) of drinking water, a large number of extra floats, towing lines of elk- 
hide, cedar rope (tla'cuk), and food for the crew for at least two days. All of this 
equipment takes up room. The stowing of the apparatus so that it can be gotten 
out easily and rapidly and at the same time not interfere with the crew, is a highly 
developed art. Each pair of paddlers sit on the upturned end of a canoe-mat, 
tc'i'b'at, (=something put under one) which is laid down on the flooring, turned 
up behind the thwart, and folded forward so as to cover it. Thus the mat serves to 
cushion the seat, and also serves the purpose of preventing the tackle in tliat ))ar- 
ticular compartment from working astern and getting mixed u|i with other parts of 
the equipment, or interfering with the bailing of the canoe. 



42 ]]'ateriiian [Vol. 1 

THE PURSUIT OF THE WHALE. 

It is the Indian belief that a "run" of whales occurs during a certain season of 
the year, corresponding to the run of salmon, or halibut. The species called sixwa'ox 
or "sore faces" (see below) are the first to run, migrating northward. The whalers 
used to put off from shore at sunset, in a spell of whaling weather, so as to get on 
the whaling grounds at daybreak. They usually encountered whales travelling north- 
ward along the coast. The various kinds of whales they recognize are as follows : 

California grey whale. Rachianectes glaucus, called by Swan che-che-wid. This 
is the kind most frequently taken. 

Sperm whale, called by Swan kots-ke, meaning, according to my infromation. 
"having something upon the head". There are several species of these, including 
the cachalot {Rhyseter macrocephalus) and the saw-toothed whale (Ziphius carros- 
tris), which my informant does not distinguish one from the other. 

Right whale (Balaenoptera artifera?), called itc'y'p "old one" (Swan gives 
yakh'-yo-bad-di, not explained). 

....Humpback whale {Mcgaptera veisibilis), called sixwa'ox, or "sore faces" 
(<si'xwi=sore). This variety is said to be similar to the right whale in propor- 
tions, and "runs" in the spring. The oil obtained from them is reddish. 

Finback whale {Balaenoptera david.iom or B. vilifera). called ka'owad, "stick- 
ing up in the middle" ( <ka"ap==protruding: apa'owAd=in the middle). 

Sulphur-bottom whale {Balaenoptera sulfurea), called kwaqwawe'axtLi, "noisy 
tail" (Swan gives kwa-kwau-yak-t'hle, not explained). 

Killerwhale, or "blackfish" {Orca). called klasqo'kajiix ( <klaska'piL=sniooth ; 
-tL, generic). 

When on the ground where whales might be expected, the seal-skin floats, 
which after soaking to make them soft, have been packed into the canoe in a flat- 
tened condition, are gotten out and inflated. The harpooner, takes his stand in the 
bow with his sixteen foot weapon, its barbed head, to which is attached the sinew 
lanyard, in readiness at its tip. The lanyard is "caught" to the shaft in several 
places with cedar bark lashing, which breaks very easily. He usually plants his 
right foot firmly at a point forward of the bow seat, and rests his left foot on a pair 
of short braces at the stem of the boat. This posture is called yttsa'wad (<ye'tscd 
=^0 kick). In this position, closely scanning the water ahead of him, he repeats a 
prayer. It is sometimes vei'y hard to find whales, and to come up with them. At 
other times no trouble of any kind is experienced. It all depends, say the Indians, 
on the bathing a man has done. The whale when seen by the Indian is usually fol- 
lov/ing a school of small fish. Coming up for breath, he rolls forward under water 
and disappears from sight, a moment later appearing again and "blowing." His 
motion is regular, and deliberate. The canoe cuts across his course and "lays" for 
him. When it seems possible to meet him in one dash, the steersman, tLttca', gives 
to the crew the word "hatsLtsatL" (come on!"). This steersman is usually an elder- 
ly man, with a great deal of experience. The idea is to run up along side of the 
whale as he emerges, so that he is to the right of the canoe. Combined luck and 
skill are required to bring the canoe sharply alongside of the quarry, and there is 



1920] Makah Indians 43 

usually not an instant to spare. When close to the whale the starboard man on the 
forward seat, spoken of as the kaqai'yuwaxs (from his position in the forward 
"space") has the right to give the word c*v', ("now throw!"). The hunter is more 
or less guided by the judgement of the men behind him, all of whom have their eyes 
on the quarry. Sometimes the canoe runs fairly upon the animal as he emerges, 
the harpooneer striking him from a distance of six feet. 

In brandishing his weapon, the harpooneer keeps his weight well forward on 
his feet, to insure steadiness. He swings the harpoon up over his head, turning his 
body towards the right side, the palms of both hands, in which he grasps the shaft, 
turned outxcard. This does not seem to be the natural position for a lunge, until it is 
tried, experimentally. This posture as a matter of fact gives much greater power, 
control, and freedom of eifort, and enables the hunter to strike downward with all 
his might, and yet recover his balance quickly. This latter is a very essential point. 
Old Anderson, of Neah Bay, nichnamed dc'cyk ("strong"), once, in trying to regain 
his balance after striking a whale, stepped on a coil of the harpoon-line and got his 
foot entangled in it. The next moment he was twitched off his feet and pulled over- 
board, a bight of line around his ankle. A stricken whale when he "sounds," is 
sometimes gone for fifteen minutes, and when Anderson's friends saw him go down 
with the whale they thought he would certainly be drowned. He managed to get a 
grip on the line, however, and disengaged his foot, and came up blowing. He lived 
to harpoon many a whale after this adventure. 

The best time to strike the whale is just as his head becomes submerged, as he 
"turns over" preparatory to going down. If struck while his tail is in the air, he is 
likely to knock the canoe into bits. Quite commonly a whale when struck flirts water 
over the boat until it is completely hidden from spectators, and filled half full. One 
switch of the tail, if it "lands", has been known to knock the bow off a canoe, and 
split it open from stem to stern. The inflated biioys in case of such a catastrophe 
are very convenient to hang to, until something can be done with the boat. Cases 
have been known, in which whale hunters caught in such an evil case, threw a line 
over the boat so as to draw the pieces together, then put some floats under the gun- 
wales to buoy the boat up, and finally caulked the seam with a piece of shirt, and 
paddled home, after bailing out. 

The moment the whale is struck, the man behind the harpooner throws over 
a float, instantly. In the interval of a second or two, he bends this float to the har- 
poon line. Meanwhile the other members of the crew back water with all their might, 
to get clear of their huge quarry. As he "sounds" and takes out the line, additional 
floats are bent on, new lines being added as the quarry goes into the depths. As 
many as thirteen floats may be attached to one line. The sections of line last ad- 
ded are lighter, since there is less strain upon them. Last of all a small buoy is 
added to serve as a "marker," attached by a very light cord. This buoy remains 
near the surface, and when the whale starts upward from his long submergence, it 
bobs quickly to the surface, long before the whale himself appears. The canoe 
races forward to that point, ready to plant another harpoon. Meanwhile, signals 
are made to any other canoe in the vicinity, that the quarry has been struck. One 



44 M'aicrman [Vol. 1 

of the crew stands up and calls "hya*o" and sticks up a blanket on a pole. The 
successful hunter promises the other crew some certain definite part of the animal, 
for example, the tongue, for their help in killing the game. Every harpoon that is 
struck into the whale carries a buoy, and as the number of these buoys increases the 
drag on the animal's progress is soon very serious. A wounded whale who has been 
struck a number of times, often cannot get more than six feet below the surface, 
hampered as he is by these buoyant floats. However, the huge animal if often ex- 
traordinarily tenacious of life, and what turns out to be a weary fight for the tired 
canoemen, continues for hours. An old Indian, bvts't'kxa, nicknamed Santa Ana. 
once volunteered to ride a badly wounded whale. He clung fast to the lines, and 
dispatched the cetacean with a butcher-knife, by means of repeated hacking. When 
the whale "sounded" he clung fast and "went under" with him, stabbing him mean- 
while as best he could. The Makah used to practice diving and holding the breath 
so as to be prepared for emergencies. 

Tlie actual arrangement of the tackle attached to the harpoon-head seems to 
have diiifercd somewhat with different tribes. Curtis gives the following notes on 
the succession of elements in the Ions; string of tackle. 



1. 


■lilliute tribe (Vol. 9, 
Harpoon head 


P- 


lie) 


A' 

1. 


ootka tribe (Vol. 11. p. 16) 
Harpoon head 


2. 


-i fathoms of sinew 


line 


2. 


4 fathoms of sinew line 


3. 


Float 






3. 


Float 


4. 


10 fathoms of cedar 


line 


4. 


8 fathoms of IXU inch plaited cedar lini 


5. 


Float 






5. 


Float 


6. 


30 fathoms of line 






6. 


20 fathoms of % '^1^ I'^c 


7. 


Float 






7. 


Float 


8. 


50 fathoms of line 






8. 


30 fathoms of Iv, incii line 


9. 


Float 






9. 


Float 



After the whale is dead, a certain member of the crew, the "diver." goes down 
as described by Curtis, and fastens a small line to the creature's lower jaw. This 
is then passed through the whale's upper lip, and made fast to the tow line. Pulling 
on this line jams the whale's lower jaw against the upper one and in this way his 
mouth is kept closed. They say that when the mouth is closed the body does not 
become water-logged and is towed more easily. 

^^'hen the whale is newly killed some difficulty is experienced in kcejjing him 
afloat. The animal drowns, of course; that is, the lungs fill with water; and he 
tends to sink outright. He often disappears below the surface, being sustained only 
by the floats (see Plate 4). Upwards of twenty such floats are required for that 
purpose. These are attached separately to harpoon heads, and stuck into the head 
of the carcass. If the floats are too few in number, the whale is correspondingly 
deeper in the water. 



1920] Makah Indians 45 

DISPOSITION OF THE WHALE-CARCASS 

All authorities mention the cutting up of the whale, and refer to rules bj- which 
it was done. As far as I can discovjer the details are as follows. The whale, when 
rowed ashore, is measured from blow-hole to hump. The unit consists of the dis- 
tance the hunter can reach, from tip to tip of his fingers. The measurement, from 
blow-hole to hump establishes che size of the whale. Then the proper width for the 
"cuts" of blubber is computed. The cutting up of the whale is shown in figure 15. 
The "hump" is the richest in oil, and belongs to the hunter. According to Curtis, 
he sells it or gives it away, being afraid to eat it (see p. 1-0). The hump is called 
yu'b-Atsk,=taboo-piece, (Swan's u'butsk, not explained) and is treated in a very 
ceremonious manner, described by Swan very fully, the main point being that it is 
set up on a sort of rack and left there lor a considerable time, being decorated mean- 
time with eagle down, and feathers, (see above, p. 39). This "saddle" is re- 
moved first of all. It is of the width already determined as being proper in the 
light of the size of the whole carcass. A strip extending clear around the animal 
at the point 5, (Fig 15), is next taken off. This belongs to the canoe which brought 
the first assistance. The lower jaw, 8, goes to this party, and often the tongue also. 
There are rules for the dividing of this tongue among the crew, the hunter or har- 
pooner getting the largest piece. The material is not eaten, but the oil, which it 
contains in large quantities, is extracted from it. The flipper, lulA'pt ("hand") is 
eaten, and is often named in calling for assistance in the hunt. On the under side of 
the whale is an area covered with long creases, three or four inches deep. This is 
spoken of as the tsa-bA'kAk ("strips"), and is often "promised away" beforehand. 
After the awards for assistance in the hunt are all made, the hunter gives away the re- 
mainder of the carcass as he thinks fit. He himself keeps the tail (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 
37). There is some blubber on the flukes (see 7, b) and the remainder is of a jellv-like 
consistency, like pigs-feet, when cooked. This distribution is the act so very char- 
acteristic of the northwestern Indians: that is, the cutting up of the whale and the 
distribution of the blubber is a form of potlatch. The donor knows to a pound what 
everybody receives, and expects a return at a future date. The meat of the whale 
is not removed, but the blubber (tl-'a'bas) is highly valued. This blubber is cut 
with the short bone-pointed lance, butu'yek, mentioned above. It consists of a 
straight handle 1 or 5 feet long, with a chisel, butkaiya':p, of elk-antler. A hand- 
hold, su"Ats (^something one holds to) is cut in the top of the strip, and a line is 
made fast. As one man wields the chopper, another pulls the blubber away with the 
line, tei'ktup. Plate 6, (i, shows this operation. The hand-hold also serves in car- 
rying the blubber (see Plate 6, h), The oil extracted from this blubber is highly 
valued as a dressing for dried fish, and berry-cakes. After the oil is all extracted, 
the blubber itself is dried and eaten, having a pleasant taste, suggesting rich pork, 
though somewhat tougher. The dried blubber looks like citron, according to Swan. 
The skin of the whale is very thin, almost like paper, and has no value to the Indian. 
Under the skin are perpendicular fibres, called tl,i'dits, about l/j inch in diameter. 
(See Plate 5, «)■ These are very rich in fat. and are removed and eaten raw, nr 



46 Waterman [Vol. 1 

boiled. They are quite palatable in their raw state, and children especially are said 
to be fond of them. 

There are many disagreeable features connected with the cutting up of the 
whale, which other authors seemed to have passed over without mention. I presume 
they are a necessary part of the account, however, if a true picture of the primitive 
food-quest is to be presented. They may be mentioned briefly. The stomach of the 
animal when he is killed usually contains from one to two tons of half-digested fish. 
This material begins to decay almost at once, and the carcass soon begins to be 
bloated, from the gases which accumulate. If two days are consumed in getting to 
the land, the tongue begins to protrude, the carcass "floats high" in the water, and 
the whale stinks desperately. It is the intestines that give rise to this odor, however, 
not the blubber. Even a perfectly fresh whale stinks when he is opened. It is said 
that the man who first opens the carcass on the beach is sometimes overcome by the 
gases, which burst out, and "cause him to faint." The process of decay goes on 
much more rapidly in the flesh than in the blubber, which keeps for an indefinite 
period, even if not removed from the whale. The flesh can be removed from the 
bones only after stripping off the blubber, which requires time. Possibly that is 
the reason the flesh of the whale is not more generally utilized. Blubber which has 
become rancid, tlirough overmuch delay, is tried out, and the oil is used for various 
technological purposes, not for food. The bones, with the muscles and ligaments, 
are left on the beach for the birds and other scavengers. All of the blubber, however, 
down to that on the flukes, is carefully preserved. 

RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES CONNECTED WITH BRINGING IN THE WHALE 

Formerly the whole village turned out to receive a whale, mostly, however, 
from excitement, and interest. The whaler's wife came down and danced, and sang. 
Eagle-down was placed upon the dead animal's hump, and on the blow-hole (Curtis, 
Vol. 11, p. 36). Menstruant women and adolescent girls were supposed to stay in 
the house, and not see the whale; otherwise, they would spoil the "luck." Before 
cutting up the carcass, the songs of the successful hunter were chanted, led by his 
father or his uncle. Those songs "were like prayers." An old experienced man 
measured the whale and made the first cut. After the hump or saddle had been cut 
off and taken to the house, it was set upon a rack and decorated with feathers, as 
described by Swan (see above p. 45). For several days there were gatherings, 
and numerous ceremonial performances. The old whalers sat facing the decorated 
"saddle-piece" and each man sang his own whaling song. (Curtis, Vol. 11, p. 40). 
The successful hunter often entertained the people by a performance, showing his 
"power." A helper, with a rattle in the form of a bird, would begin to rattle and 
sing the whaling songs belonging to his chief. The latter would enter, dressed in 
ceremonial costume. My informant has seen a man dance completely clothed in 
nettles, tied on. The performer in such ceremonies makes his entry in tim^ to the 
music, and dances around the fire in a contra-clockwise direction. His movements 
imitate those of the whale, and he heaves his way slowly around the fire, "blowing" 
from time to time. He never stands upright until the circuit is completed. 



1920] Makah Indians 47 

No religious regard was ever paid to the bones, which were left on the beach. 
Evidentl_v the courtesies extended to the taboo-piece or saddle, fulfilled all the neces- 
sities. The skeleton of the whale lay at low water mark, and was slowly cleaned by 
water-worms and sand-fleas. The whale, nevertheless, was supposed theoretically 
to be a guest of the village, and to have appeared upon the scene of his own volition. 

METHODS OF NAVIGATION 

As already remarked, whaling expeditions often go clear out to sea, out of sight 
of land. On the high seas at night, the Makah steer by the Pole-star. They never 
get lost, even in a fog, for they are helped by the swells and the wind. In this 
part of the Pacific the heave runs pretty consistently west and east. They know by 
experience also that thick weather comes on when the wind is from the southeast. 
So if the W'Cather is thick, they conclude that the wind is from that quarter. Clear 
weather, on the other hand, is usually accompanied by winds from the west. By 
considering all' of these matters, the whalers always manage to get back "somehow." 

Some of the older men, who have spent a lifetime on the halibut banks, can locate 
themselves even when out of sight of land by the appearance of the water and the 
set of the "tide rips." 

The following expressions are used by the Makah canoeman as terms of direc- 
tion wliile on the water 

To the left or "port", tcAba'tsp (cf. ka'tspa,=Ieft). 
To the right or "starboard". tcAba'tsa'k (cf. katsaksp,^right). 
Ahead, hitA'kwAd-dltsp (cf. hitA'kwAd, the bow space). 
Astern, tL'I'tca'tsp (cf. tL'i'tca, the stern space). 

The term iyexAxs is used in the sense of "here" or "there," a]iplying only to po- 
sitions inside of a boat. On land, other terms are employed. 

HISTORY or THE WHALING INDUSTRY 

I suppose it would be impossible to discover which of the various coast tribes 
originated the hunting of the whale. It is certain, however, that it sprang up 
somewhere along the west coast of Vancouver Island. Probably the Nootka and 
Clayoquot had as much to do as anybody with developing the industr3\ The art 
is not found on the east coast of ^^ancouver Island, nor does it exist among the tribes 
of Alaska, as the Haida or Tlingit. Whaling is practiced by the Quilliute and 
Quinault, south of Cape Flattery, but the practice is unknown beyond their terri- 
tory. Whales are spoken of in the accounts of the tribes living all along the coast 
of Oregon and Washington, and whale products of various sorts are utilized, as they 
are also in Alaska, but the tribes who actively pursue the big cetaceans arc those in the 
vicinity of Capt Flattery and Vancouver Island. The Makah, who live near the south- 
ern frontier of the region where whaling is practiced, would hardly be looked upon 
(in the absence of positive proof) as the originators of the practice. All sources 
agree, however, tliat they long ago attained first rate skill at it. 



48 



U'ateniian 



[Vol. 1 



About 1860 the ]\Iakah temporarily left off whaling. The reason was the enor- 
mous profits to be derived at that time from pelagic sealing, at which pursuit also 
they were highly skillful, and highly successful. About the year 1890 they resumed 
their whaling practices, largely because by that time the Government protection of 
the fur seal had reduced the profits of sealing. Many of the Makah tribe attained 
distiiict success as seal poachers, until the Federal Government's increasingly strict 
supervision of the animals made poaching impractical. Whaling is still carried on 
at the present time, largely with their old tribal apparatus. 

"ft ift 




1-1- -Diagram showing the arrangement of the huntsmen and 
their equipment in the whaling canoe. (Based in part on in- 
formation contained in Curtis, vol. II, pp. 36, 37, 184). For 
the native terminology for the thwarts and other parts see 
figure 3; and uage No. 50, above. 



A. Bow-space, hitA'kwAd, occupied by 

the harpooner with his weapon 
and four fathoms of sinew line. 

1. Position of the harpooner. 

B. Second space, kaqai'yuwAxs, laden 

with 14 floats. 

2. Position of the float tender. 

3. Position of the diver. 

C. Third space, tctLAkduwAxs, laden 

with cedar line, in sections. 

4. Position of the harpoon-line ten- 

der (chikowihlhasi. in Curtis no- 
tation). 



,'j. Position of the float-inflator. 

D. Fourth cargo-space. Here the bail- 

ing is attended to. 

E. Fifth cargo space, liitA'ksistAxs 

(=insidc) laden with water-boxes 
and provisions. 

6. Position of the watcher. 

7. Position of 

F. Sixth cargo space, tL'i'tca 

(=stern). 
S. Position of the steersman. 



1920] 



Makali Indians 
3 



49 




Fig. 15. — Diagram showing the cutting-up of the wliale. 

Blow-hole. 

Eye, kali'i. 

Hump, or saddle, _vub — 'Atsk (=taboo jaiece). 

Flukes, tLi'i'ctcid (=feet). 

Strip extending around the carcass, xAtsA'qAbitL. 

Creases, tsabA'kAk (:=strips). 

Flipper, lulA'iJi (=hand). 

Tongue, lA'kaivi'k. 



50 Waterman [Vol. 1 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The following list includes the titles 
referred to in the preceding pages. 
Boas, Franz 

1909. The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island. American Museum of Natural 
History, Memoirs, Vol. 8, part 2. Reprinted from Publications 
of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 5, part 2. 
1916. Tsimshian mythology. /» Smithsonian, Institution Thirty-first Annual 
Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 29-1037. 
CuRTi.Sj Edward S. 

1911-16. The North American Indian: being a series of volumes picturing and 
describing the Indians of the United States and Alaska. In twenty 
volumes. [Eleven volumes of the series have so far been published.] 
Vol. 8. Nez Perce, Walla Walla, Umatilla, Cayuse, Chinookan 

Tribes. 1911. 
Vol. 9. Salishan tribes of the Coast; Chemakum, Quilliute, Willapa. 

1913. 
Vol. 10. The Kwakiutl. 1915. 
Vol. 11. Nootka, Haida. 1916. 
Lewis, Albert Buell 

1906. Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the coast of Oregon and Washington. 

Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association, Vol. 1, part 
2, pp. 151-209. 
Meany, Edmond S. 

1907. Vancouver's discovery of Puget Sound. Macmillan. 

Report of the Committee of the American Anthropological Association on 
THE Phonetic Transcription of Indian Languages. 

Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 66, number 6 (Publication 
24.15). Washington, D. C, 1916. 
NiBLACK, Albert P. 

1 890. The coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia 
7re Smithsonian Institution, U. S. National Museum, Annual 
Report for 1888, pp. 225-386. 
Swan, James G. 

1870. The Indians of Cape Flattery at the entrance to the Strait of Fuca, 
Washington Territory. In Smithsonian Institution, Contributions 
to Knowledge, number 220. 
Vancouver, Captain George 

1798. A voyage "of discovery to the North Pacific Ocean. . . performed in 
the years 1790, 1791, 1792, 1793, 1794, and 179.5. 3 vols., London. 
Wilson, Thomas 

1901. Arrow-wounds. In American Anthropologist, n; s. Vol. 3, pp. 513-531. 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



E.rplanation of Plate 1. 

a. .Shapiiiij; tiie hull of the canoe. The typical adze used in such work is seen in the 
carpenter's hand. A stone maul is close at hand on the bow of the boat. The 
canoe, cut away as it is at bow and stern, is a very heavy-looking hulk until the 
additional bow-and-stern-pieces are in jilace. 

b. Fitting the bow-pieee on the hull. The bow-piece in a partly-finished state, is 
being hewn to fit a scarf previously cut in the hull. 



[52] 



Univ. of ^^'asll. Piibl. Pol. lS; Soc. .St 



\V;itfnr.;\ii 1 VcA. I. Pl;u;- 1 





ropiirinlil. Pliotdgliiplis liy .\s;il:cl C'tirtls 

MAKING A '■CHINOOK" CANOR. 

[5:s] 



Ej'plaiKiiion of Plate 2. 

a. The canoe is beached stern-foremost, as is the invariable rule. The scarf which 
holds the stern-piece on the boat is visible, patched in one place with a piece of 
tin. The "gunwale strips" can also be plainly seen. One thwart has been broken 
down, and the "mast-holders" have been replaced by a sawn plank, with an 
auger-hole in it. Inflated buoys may be seen, and the old whaler is holding a 
fine harpoon-shaft. 

6. This photograph shows a canoe with the old fashioned square rigging, the var- 
ious halyards being plainly visible. The sail, however, is of canvas instead of 
matting. 



L.'i4l 



Univ. of Wash. Publ. Pol. & Soc. .Sci 



[Waterman] \'ol. I. Plati 





LIGHT-HOUSE .JOE" WITH HIS HARPOON AND BUOYS. 
A CANOE UNDER SAIL. 

[;5.5] 



E.rpliiiiatinii of I'lafe o. 

View of Cape Flattery lociking iiortli. The isolated crag in the sea has a recess 
near its summit. This crevice is about 10 feet from the top, and the size of the 
crag may be further cstiniati d by comparing it with the growth of timber on the 
nearby cliff. A spar lay in this recess for a great many years (See page 30 
above). Flattery Light may be seen in the distance. 
L'ght may be seen in the distance. 

This photograph shows tlie same crag as the ])revious one, but the view is taken 
toward the soutli. In the cliff to the left are the sea-caves which were the scene 
of the sealing exploit mentioned on page 3fi. 



v-n 



Univ. of Wash. Publ. Pnl. & Soc. Sci 



[W.-itfrman] Veil. I. Plate 3 




<nlt,iiiflhl. r]lcit..sraiilis h.v Asilhi-l CiM- 

ALONG THE MAKAH COAST 

[57] 



Ea'phinotioiix of Plate I/. 

a. The wlialc in tliis pliotograph has "drowned" and has sunk out of sight. His 
position is marked by the group of floats in the background. 

b. Here the whale has been towed to the beach at Neah Bay. At low tide the people 
wMl be able to gather around the stranded carcass, to remove the blubber. 



[58] 



Univ. of Wash. Publ. INil. & .S„f. Sci. 



[Wattrin.in] \'ol. 1. Plate t 





Cniiiirinhl. I'lint..2iiiplis liy .\s!iliel C'urfls 



THE HARPOONED WHALE 

[59] 



Explancilioii of Plate 5. 

a. Basket in which harpoon-heads arc carried. 

6. All old iNIakah is here seen peeling the skin from a wliale. As remarked in the 
text, and as may be seen here, this skin is very thin, and quite the opposite from 
the hide one ■would look for on such a tremendous carcass. The harpoon-heads 
and the buoj^s attached to them have not vet been cut out of the tissue into which 
tliey were driven in killing the animal. 



[60] 



Ur.iv. of Wa~,Ii. I'lilil. Pol. & Sof. Sci. 



[Watfi-man] \'ol. 1. Pl:it<- 5 





Riuioving the skin from a whale-carcass; basket for harpoon heads. 

[fit] 



Explanation of Plalc 6. 

a. 'Flu- lilubbcr is hc-rt' being reniovtd from the strandid whale. Slabs aic eiit with 
tlu "ciiiscl" or "butu"k;," and strijjped off by judling on a line, attached to n 
slasii at tiie top of the slab. 

b. Three famous whalers, Antone Wispu, on the reader's left; David Fischer, or 
Q'e'/t'Ap; and Charley White, called TLixwit'u, or "Paddler." Charley 
\^'hite is carrying a "cut " of blubber bv a hand-hold. 



[62] 



Univ. of Wash. Publ. Pol. & Hoc. Sci. 



[W.-ittrinan] \'ol. I. Fl.-itt- 6 




l-'./nm:,!,! I'll 

CUTTING UP THE WHALE 



ii[ihs hy A.silliil Curtis 



[63] 



E.rplanalion of Plate 7. 

T.'ir bones of the whale arc largely stripped bare of the blubber, several cuts of 
which are visible in the foreground. 

Tlie tlcsh of the animal may here be seen, in the middle i)art of the carca^is. the 
blubber having been stripped ofi'. In the foreground lies a float, and at the 
right, one of the great flukes of the tail. 



[6t] 

R D 1 4. 8 ^^ 



Univ. of Wa,sli. I'libl. I'ol. \- Soc. Sci. 



[W,-ittnn;m) \"<il. 1. i'laU 




Ciilinriflhl. IMii.logriililis l.y Asiili.-I (.■uvtis 

THK LAST OF THF. WHALE 

[65] 



E,iplaiwtion of Plate S. 

a. Sheath for the protection of the harpoon-head (see page 32). The sheath 
consists of a folded strip of cedar-bark. The two ends of this strip are split into 
narrow fibres, and these fibres are worked over with separate fibres of bark in 
plain twining. University of Washington, State Museum. Catalogue number 105. 
Length from point of barb to point of blade, 6% inches, 17.5 cm. 

h. The complete liarpoon-head. The sinew lanyard, the bone barb, the blade (in 
this specimen, a piece of saw-steel) and the final coating of spruce gum, are all 
plainly shown. University of Washington, State Museum, Catalog number 

105. ;■,' 

c. Sketcli showing tlie details of the above lasliing, as far as they are visible in the 
completed specimen. 

d. Enlarged view of a wjialing head photographed without the blade, and the cov- 
ering of resin; showing the ingenious manner in. which the strands of the sinew 
lanyard are wrapped and served around the bone framework. University of 
Washington. Catalog number 85. 



[(56] 



Univ. r.f U'.isl!. I'uhl. Pol. iS; .Soc. Sei. 



[Wattrnian] X'ol. 1. Pl:ilf 8 






IMlnlnsiiipl.^ I.\ l.illkU'ltlT Sllllli. 



HEAD FOR TIIK WlIAl.IXC HARPOON 

[671 




^«^. 



,'\ 



-?> 












<*. 



•^^ 



r-^^. 



■0* 



vO 






^^' 



%.** 

,5'^V 






O ' • . s *^ 






®«;' ^'-^ 



i>i^''*^ 






> '.-^i^ 






.0. 






■?y 









•t/. 



A 



<. 









,.>■ 






iPfe' 



;>» ^^°^ 



^> 












^^„ 









ST. AUGUSTINE 
FLA. 



, a_^,-.- 









